These Companies Are In Business For The Longest Time Possible! Australian Agricultural Company, Australia Est. 1824 While it’s one of the youngest companies on this list, it’s the oldest one in Australia – continuously operating since 1824. It was granted a royal charter by Britain’s King George IV, and started out using convict labour to raise Merino sheep and cattle in New South Wales. From there, they went on to open interests in coal mines and build the country’s first railroad, to move their product. These Companies Are In Business For The Longest Time Possible In the 1920’s, they sold all of their mining assets to focus on raising cattle and now they’re known for their beef. Today, the Australian Agricultural Company manages a herd of 500,000 cattle, across two states and distributes its beef products worldwide. These Companies Are In Business For The Longest Time Possible Hudson’s Bay Company, Canada Est. 1670 The Hudson’s Bay Company is Canada’s oldest, and most revered business. Incorporated by an English royal charter in 1670, the firm controlled North America’s lucrative fur trade and served as he local government for vast regions of the land, until the UK and France started staking claims. In fact, in the film The Revenant, the French trappers that serves as the semi-villains for part of the film, work for the HBC. These Companies Are In Business For The Longest Time Possible Midway through the 19th century, the Hudson’s Bay Company moved from wholesale fur trading into retail, opening its first store in 1857. Now, it’s Canada’s most prominent department store, and also has outposts in the US, Germany and Belgium, with their ownership of Saks Fifth Avenue and Galeria Kaufhof. These Companies Are In Business For The Longest Time Possible Shirley Plantation, USA Est. 1613 As North America’s oldest business, the Shirley Plantation in Virginia was founded in 1613, and has been owned by the Hill family since 1638. They initially made their money with slaves and a tobacco crop, until 1865 when slavery was outlawed in the state. These Companies Are In Business For The Longest Time Possible Now, the plantation is a National Historic Landmark, established in 1970. These days, tourism is how they make their money, but the Hill family (the 11th generation), still lives in the upper floors of the main house, to provide guided tours of the estate. These Companies Are In Business For The Longest Time Possible Banca Monte Dei Paschi Di Siena, Italy Est. 1472 This is the world’s oldest surviving bank. Created in 1472 in the city state of Siena as a ‘mount of piety’ – a charity pawnbroker that offered loans with moderate interest to those in need. These Companies Are In Business For The Longest Time Possible But, as most banks go, it stopped being altruistic. Following the unification of Italy in the 19th century, the back expanded throughout the country and started offering mortgages. Now it’s Italy’s third largest bank by assets, with 5.1 million customers and profits of $3.54 billion a year. These Companies Are In Business For The Longest Time Possible The Raeapteek, Estonia Est. 1415 Some would argue that the Santa Maria Novella pharmacy in Florence, Italy is the oldest pharmacy in the world, but while it was founded in 1221, it wasn’t open to the public until 1612. The world’s oldest commercial pharmacy is actually the Raeapteek in Tallinn, Estonia. Established in 1415, the pharmacy sold all kinds of wonderful and mystical concoctions including unicorn horn powder and ointments from crushed up Egyptian mummies. These Companies Are In Business For The Longest Time Possible The pharmacy was run by various people until it was acquired by the Burchat family, who ran the business from 1582 to 1911, when it was sold. The Raeapteek was nationalized in the 1940’s and renovated in the 1990’s and early 2000’s. While it still operates as a pharmacy, it’s also a museum to a bygone age of apothecaries and old medicines. These Companies Are In Business For The Longest Time Possible Chateau De Goulaine, France Est. 1000 This is the oldest family-owned business and continuously-operating winery in Europe. They started producing wine in the year 1000, and has been in the Goulaine family all along, minus a short period of time during the French Revolution, where it was sold to a Dutch banker to prevent it from being looted and destroyed. These Companies Are In Business For The Longest Time Possible The Goulaine family reacquired the business in 1858 and expanded their operations, producing a variety of wines including a Muscadet and Sancerre. The grounds currently house a biscuit museum and butterfly aviary, as well as the wine-making infrastructure. These Companies Are In Business For The Longest Time Possible The Bingley Arms, England Est. 953 This is a pretty colourful pub in Bardsey, North Leeds in the UK and it’s the oldest pub on the island. It dates back to at least 953, when a publican named Samson Ellis began brewing ale on the premises. Some historians even go as far as suggest that the pub started as far back as 905. These Companies Are In Business For The Longest Time Possible The pub was also notorious for sheltering Catholic priests during the Dissolution of the Monasteries during the 1530s and 1540s, and was knows as the Priests’ Inn until the 1780 when it was renamed the Bingley Arms. Given that it’s over a thousand years old, it stands to reason that it’s haunted, with people claiming to see a laughing cavalier and a phantom dog. These Companies Are In Business For The Longest Time Possible Sean’s Bar, Ireland Est. 900 While the Bingley Arms can maybe go back to 905, Sean’s Bar in Athlone, Ireland is older than that. This is the most ancient pub in Europe, possibly the world and it was founded at a crossing point on the banks of the River Shannon. Originally called Luain’s Inn, it’s been pouring pints for over 1,100 years. These Companies Are In Business For The Longest Time Possible In 1129, Irish King Turlough O’Connor built a wooden castle nearby and a town erupted around both the castle and the pub. Since then, Sean’s Bar has had a lot of colourful owners, including Boy George in 1987. These Companies Are In Business For The Longest Time Possible Stiftskeller St. Peter, Austria Est. 803 This restaurant was first mentioned by English scholar Alcuin of York in 803, and is probably Europe’s oldest restaurant, and most likely the oldest in the world. Located in Salzburg, it’s seen it’s fair share of illustrious diners, and the most common guy to hang out there was Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart. These Companies Are In Business For The Longest Time Possible On top of their local boy, Mozart, the restaurant also served food to another composer, Joseph Haydn, as well as Christopher Columbus and other notable historical people. In recent days, the restaurant still lures in the famous elite, including Karl Lagerfeld and Clint Eastwood. These Companies Are In Business For The Longest Time Possible Nishiyama Onsen Kwiunkan, Japan Est. 705 This hot spring retreat in Hayakawa, Yamanashi Prefecture has been recognized as the oldest hotel in the world by Guinness and it’s most likely the oldest company of all time, that’s still in business. Founded by Fujiwara Mahito in 705, it’s been managed by the same family for 52 generations. These Companies Are In Business For The Longest Time Possible The hotel currently has 37 rooms, and plenty of healing waters and hot springs for countless generations, including emperors, samurai warriors, and visiting dignitaries. These Companies Are In Business For The Longest Time Possible

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BABAR Nama page 259

situation of Gharjistan, see Mines de 1’ Orient,
vol. I. p. 3521.

2 Baber, in returning to Kabul, pursued a route through the country of thr: Aimaks and Haziiraa, con-
siderably to tbe south of that by which he had advanced to Herat. Chekhchcran lies about N. lat. 34*
lSf, and E. long. 60° 8′.

210

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

( Ttirki .) There is no violence or injury of fortune that I have not experienced ;

This broken heart has endured them all. Alas ! is there one left that I have not encountered ?

For about a week, we continued pressing down the snow, without being able to ad-
vance more than a kos or a kos and a half . 1 * I myself assisted in depressing the snow.
Accompanied by ten or fifteen of my household, and by Kasim Beg, his two sons
Tengeri Berdi and Kember Ali, and two or three of bis servants, we all dismounted,
and worked in beating down the snow. Every step we sank up to the middle or the
breast, but we still went on trampling it down. As the vigour of the person who went
first was generally expended after lie had advanced a few paces, lie stood still, while ano-
ther advanced and took his place. The ten, fifteen, or twenty people who worked in
trampling down the snow, next succeeded in dragging on a horse without a rider. The
first horse sank up to the stirrups and girths, and after advancing tenor fifteen paces,
was worn out. Drawing this horse aside, we brought on another, and in this way ten,
fifteen, or twenty of us trampled down the snow, and contrived to bring forward the
horses of all our iruuher. The rest of the troops, even our best men, and many that
bore the title of Beg, without dismounting, advanced along the road that had been
beaten for them, hanging down their heads. This was no time for plaguing them or
employing authority. Every man who possesses spirit or emulation hastens to such
works of himself. Continuing to advance by a track which we had heat in the snow
in this manner, we proceeded by a place named Anjukan, and in three or four days
it cache* & reached a Kliawal, or cave, called Khawal-koti, at the foot of the Zirrinr pass. That
day the storm of wind was dreadful. The snow fell in such quantities, that we all
expected to meet death together. The men of that hill country call their caves and
hollows Kliawal. When we reached this Kliawal, the storm was terribly violent. We
halted at the mouth of it. The snow was deep, and the patli narrow, so that only one
person could pass at a time. The horses too advanced with difficulty over the road that
had been beaten and trampled down, and the days were at the shortest. The first of the
troops reached this Kliawal while it was yet day-light. About evening and night ‘
prayers, the troops ceased coming in ; after which every man was obliged to dismount
and halt where he happened to he. Many men waited for morning on horseback.
The Kliawal seemed to he small. I took a hoe, and having swept away and cleared
off the snow, made for myself, at the mouth of the cave, a resting-place about the size
of a prayer-carpet . 3 I dug down in the snow as dee}) as my breast, and yet did not
reach the grouiid. This hole afforded me some shelter from the wind, and I sat down
in it. Some desired me to go into the cavern, hut I would not go. I felt, that for me
to he in a warm dwelling, and in comfort, while my men were in the midst of snow
and drift — for me to he within, enjoying sleep and ease, while my followers were in
trouble and distress, would he inconsistent with what I owed them, and a deviation
from that society in suffering that was their due. It was right, that whatever their
sufferings and difficulties were, and whatever they might be obliged to undergo, I

1 Two or three miles.

s The Zirrin pass seems to have lain between Yekc-auleng and Chekhclieran.

3 The Musulmans, particularly travellers, when about to pray, spread out a small carpet, on which
they make their prostrations.

8

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

2 [\

should bo a sharer with them. There is a Persian proverb, that “ Death iu the com-
pany of friends is a feast.” I continued, therefore, to sit in the drift, in the sort of
hole which I had cleared and dug out for myself, till bed-time prayers, when the snow
fell so fast, that, as I had remained all the while sitting crouching down on my feet,

I now found that four inches of snow had settled on my head, lips, and ears. That
night I caught a cold in my ear. About bed-time prayers a party, after having sur-
veyed the cave, reported tliat the Kliawal was very extensive, and was sufficiently
large to receive all our people. As soon as 1 learned this, I shook off the snow that
was on my head and face, and went into the cave. I sent to call iu all such of tin*
people as were at hand. A comfortable place was found within for filly or sixty per-
sons ; such as had any eatables, stewed meat, preserved flesh, or anything else in
readiness, produced them ; and thus we escaped from the terrible cold, and sumv, and
drift, into a wonderfully safe, warm, and comfortable place, where we could refresh
ourselves.

Next morning the snow and tempest ceased. Moving early, we trampled down the Arm. s
snow in the old way, and made a road. We reached the Bala-Dahau. 1 2 As the usual p‘ t |S ^’ n
road, which is called the Zirrin kotal, or hill-pass, leads by an excessively steep ascent,
we did not attempt it, but proceeded by the lower valley road. Before we reached the
Payan Dalian, 1 ’ the day closed on us. We halted in the defiles of the valley. The
cold was dreadful, and we passed that night in great distress and misery. Many lost,
their hands and feet from the frost. Kopek lost Ids feet, Sewenduk Turkoman his
hands, and Akhi his feet, from the cold of that night. Early next morning we moved
down the glen. Although we knew that this was not the usual road, yet, placing our
trust in God, we advanced down the valley, and descended by difficult and precipitous
places. It was evening prayer before we extricated ourselves from the mouth of the
valley. It was not in the memory of the oldest man, that this pass had ever been de-
scended, when there was so much snow on the ground ; iny, it was never known that
anybody even conceived the idea of ]>assing it at such a season. Although for some
days we endured much from the depth of the snow, yet, in the issue, it was this very
circumstance which brought us to our journey’s end. For, if the snow had not been
so deep, how was it possible to have gone, as we did, where there was no road, inarch-
ing over precipices and ravines ? Had it not been for the extreme depth of the snow,
the whole of our horses and camels must have sunk into the first gulph that we met
witli ;

{Persian verse .) — Every good and evil that exists,

If you mark it well, is for a blessing.

It was bed-time prayers when we reached Yeke-Auleng, ami halted. The people h™
of Yeke-Auleng,” who had heard of us as we descended, carried us to their warm ieng ”

1 Upper Daban, or Pass. Perhaps the top of the pass.

2 Lower Daban, or Pass ; or, probably the bottom of the pass.

:i Yeke-Auleng lies about thirty miles south-west from Barman.

2 D

212

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

I’lunrim
the Ha/i-
ra*.

houses, brought out fat sheep for us, a superfluity of hay and grain for our horses,
with abundance of wood and dried dung to kindle us fires. To pass from the cold
and snow, into such a village and its warm houses, on escaping from want and suffer-
ing, to find such plenty of good bread and fat sheep as wc did, is an enjoyment that
can be conceived only by such as have suffered similar hardships, or endured such
heavy distress. We staid one day at Ycke-Auleng to refresh and recruit the spirits
and strength of our men ; after which wc marched on two farsangs , 1 and halted. Next
morning was the Id 2 of the Ramzan. We passed through Bamian, descended by the
kntal, or hill-pass of >Shibcrtu, and halted before reaching Jenglik. The Turkoman
Hazaras had taken up their winter-quarters in the line of my march, with their fami-
lies and property, and had not the smallest intimation of my approach. Next morn-
ing, on our march, we came among their huts, close by their sheep-folds, two or three
of which wc plundered ; whereupon the whole of the Hazaras taking the alarm,
abandoned their huts and property, and fled away to the hills with their children.
Soon afterwards information was brought from the van, that a body of them, having
posted themselves right in our line of march, had stopped our people in a narrow de-
file, were assailing them with arrows, and effectually prevented their advance. Im-
mediately on learning this I hurried forward. On coming up, I found that there really
was properly speaking no strait; but that some Hazaras had posted themselves on a
projecting eminence, where they had gathered together their effects, had taken up a
position, and were making discharges of arrows on our men.

{Turki verse.) They marked the distant blackening of the foe,

And stood panic- struck and confounded ;

I came up and hastened to the spot,

And pressing on, exclaiming, Stand ! Stand !

My aim was to make my troops alert.

To fall briskly upon the foe.

Having brought on my men, I placed myself behind ;

When not a man minded my orders ;

I had neither my coat of mail, nor horse-inail, nor arms,

Except only my bow and arrows.

When I stood still, all my men stood still also,

As if the foe had slain them all.

“ He who hires a servant, hires him for his need.

That he may one day be useful in time of danger,

Not that he should stand still while his lord advances.

That he should stand at ease while his lord bears the burden of the day .

He who is a servant should serve in due season.

Not loiter in thy service, so as not even to be seasoning to thy food*” f
At length I spurred on ray horse and advanced,

* And, driving the foe before me, ascended the hill ;

My men, on seeing me advance, advanced also,

Leaving their terror behind.

1 About eight miles.

2 About the 14th of February 1507. The festival on the termination of the fast of Ramzan.

a That is, if the master furnish the principal part of the entertainment by being the meat , the servant
ought, at least, to be the seasoning , or sauce . If the master bears the brunt of the day, the servant
should lend some assistance.

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

213

Pushing forward, we quickly climbed the hill ;

We went on without heeding their arrows,

Sometimes dismounting, sometimes on horseback.

First of all came on the boldest warriors :

The enemy showered down arrows from above,

But marking our resolution gave way and fled.

We gained the top of the hill, and drove the Hazaras before us,
We skipped over the heights and hollows like deer ;

We cut off the heads of the slain like deer ;

We plundered them, we divided their property and sheep ;

We slew the Turkoman Hazaras,

And made captives of their men and women ;

Those who were far off too we followed and made prisoners :
We took their wives and their children.

The purport of these verses is, that when the llazaras stopped the van, on its route,
our men were all rather perplexed, and halted. In this situation l came up singly.
Having called out to the men who were fleeing, 66 Stand ! Stand !” I attempted to en-
courage them. Not one of them would listen to me, or advance upon the enemy, hut
they stood scattered about in different places. Although 1 had not put on my helmet,
my horse’s mail, or my armour, and had only my bow and quiver, 1 called out that
servants were kept that they might be serviceable, and, in time of need, prove their
loyalty to their master; not for the purpose of looking on while their master marched
up against the foe : after which I spurred on my horse. When my men saw me making
for the enemy, they followed. On reaching the hill which the Hazaras occupied, mu-
troops instantly climbed it, and, without minding the arrows which poured down on
them, made their way up, partly on horseback, partly on foot. As soon as the enemy
saw that our men were in real earnest, they did not venture to stand their ground, hut
took to flight. Our people pursued them up the hills, hunting them like deer or game.
Such property or effects as our troops could lay hold of, they brought in with them,
and made the families and children of the enemy prisoners. We also gathered in some of
their sheep, which we gave in charge to Yarek Tagliai, while we proceeded forward. We
traversed the heights and eminences of the hill-country, driving off* the horses and
sheep of the Hazaras, and brought them to Lenger-TaimuivBeg, where we encamped.
Fourteen or fifteen of the most noted insurgents and robber chiefs of the Hazaras
had fallen into our hands. It was my intention to have put them to death with
torture at our halting-ground, as an example and terror to all rebels and robbers ; but
Kasim Beg happening to meet them, was filled with unseasonable commiseration, and
let them go ;

To do good to the bad is the same thing
As to do evil to the good :

Salt ground does not produce spikenard ; —
Do not throw away good seed on it. 1

The same pity was extended to the other prisoners, who were all set at liberty.

1 From the Gulistan of fc’adi.

214

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

Detection of While we were plundering the Turkoman Hazaras, information readied us that
Hussa?i med Muhammed Hussain Mirza Doglilet, and Sultan Senjer Birlas, having drawn over to
Mirk their interests the body of Mogliuls who had staid behind in Kabul, had dedared Khan
Khan Mir- Mirza king , 1 were now besieging Kabul, and had spread a report that Badia-ez-zeman
ohiimpH Mirza and Mozeffer Mirza had seized the king, and carried him away to the fort of

fcins Ekhtiar-cd-din at Heri, which is now known by the name of Aleh-kurghan . 2 The

chief persons in the fort of Kabul were Mulla Babai Bcshaghcri, Khalifeh, Moliib Ali
Kdrchi, Ahmed Yusef, and Ahmed Kasim. These officers had all conducted them-
selves well, had put the fort into a strong state of defence, and done everything to
guard it. At Lenger-Taiinur-Beg I wrote an intimation of my having arrived in this
quarter, and sent it to the nobles who were in Kabul, by Muhammed Andejaui, one
]Jiit>cr\ of Kasim Beg’s servants. I arranged with them that I was to descend by the Straits

surprisin’- ^hurbcud, and to inarch on and take the enemy by surprise. The signal of my

thcrchds coming was to be, that I was to kindle a blazing fire after passing Minar hill; and

1 ” I enjoined them, on their side, to make; a large fire in the Citadel, on the top of the

Old Kiosk, which is now the Treasury, in order that we might be sure that they were
aware of our approach ; and while we assailed the enemy from without, they were to
sally out from within, and to leave nothing undone to rout the besiegers. Such were
the instructions which I dispatched Muhammed Andejaui to communicate.

Next morning, we left Longer, and halted opposite to Ushter-sheher. Mounting
again before day, we descended the Pass of Chur bend towards night, and baited near
Sir-e-pul . 3 Having refreshed our horses, and bathed them, we left Sir-e-pfil at noon-
day prayers. Till we reached Tutkfiwel there was no snow. After passing that place,
the farther we went the snow was the deeper. Bet ween the village of Noli 4 and Minar
the cold was so excessive, that, in the whole course of my life, I have seldom experi-
enced the like. I sent Ahmedi Ycsawel, along with Kara Ahmed Yurchi, to the Begs
in Kabul, to let them know that we had come according to our engagement, and to
require them to be on the alert, and bold. After surmounting the hill of Minar, we
descended to the skirts of the hill, and, being rendered quite powerless from the frost,
kindled fires and warmed ourselves. This was not the place where we were to kindle
our fires, but, being unable to stand tlie cold, we were obliged to kindle them to warm
ourselves. The morning was near when we set out from the skirts of the hill of Minar.
Between Kabul and Minar the snow reached up to the horses’ thighs. Every place
was covered with snow, so that such of our people as deviated from the road were
exposed to mischief. This whole distance we passed, sinking and rising again in the
snow. In this way we reached Kabul undiscovered, by tlie appointed time. Before
we arrived at Bibi Mali-rul, we saw a fire blazing in the Citadel. We then knew that

J Khan Mirza was Sultan Weis Mirza, tlie youngest son of Haber’s uncle, Sultan Mahmud Mirza of
Hissar, by a half sister of Baber’s mother, and consequently his cousin. Muhammed Hussain Mirza
Doghlet had married another sister of Baber’s mother, and had been governor of Uratippa, whence he
” had been expelled by Sheibani Khan.

2 Eagle Castle. It was an extremely strong castle on the north of Herat, and much used as a state-
prison. It is pretended that Shuhrokh Mirza employed no less than seven hundred thousand men in re-
building it.

3 Bridgend, a common name in these countries* 4 The Persian has Yekhshi.

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

215

they were prepared. When we came to Syed Kasim’s Bridge, I sent Sliirim Taghai,
with the right wing, towards Mulla Baba’s Bridge. With the centre and left wing, I
advanced by way of Baba Lfdi ; at that time, where the Bagh-e-Kalifeh now is, there
was a small garden and house, which IT] ugh Beg Mirza had made to serve as a Longer. 1 2
Although its trees and wood were gone, yet its inclosurc was still left. Khan Mirza Hr .mail,
had his quarters there. Hussain Mirza was in the Bagh-e-Behisht,* which had been
made by Ulugh Beg Mirza. We had got to the Imrving-ground near Mulla Balm’s
garden, when they brought hack to me, wounded and unhorsed, a party that, had
pushed on in advance. This party, which had preceded us and had entered Khan
Mirza’s house, was four in number, Syed Kasim Ishik-agha, Kember Ali Beg, Shir
Kuli Kerawel Moghul, and Sultan Ahmed Moghul, who was one of Shir Kfili Mo-
ghul’s followers ; these four persons, as soon as they came up, without halting, entered
the palace where Mirza Khan lived. All was instantly in uproar and alarm. Khan
Mirza mounted on horseback, galloped off, and escaped. Muhammed Hussain Kor- M Mi
begi’s younger brother, also in the service of Klian Mirza, attacked Shir Kuli Moghul. ‘ vv, i’ r
one of the four, sword in hand, and threw him down ; but Shir Kfili contrived to escape
while his opponent was endeavouring to cut off’ his head. These four persons, still
smarting from their sabre and arrow wounds, were brought to me as 1 have mention-
ed. The alley was narrow, and our horsemen crowded into it, so that a confusion and
bustle ensued. Some of the enemy also collected, and though much crowded, made a
stand. Our people could not get forward, and could not get hack. I desired sonic
men who were near me to dismount and push on. Dost IS Asir, KhvvAjeh Muhammed
Ali Kitabdar, Baba Shir-zfid, Shah Malunud, and a few others, having accordingly
dismounted, advanced and assailed the enemy with their arrows. The enemy were
shaken and took to flight. We waited a long time for the coming of our people from
the fort, but they did not arrive in time for action. After the enemy were defeated,
they began to drop in by ones and twos. Before wc reached the Charbagh, in which
Khan Mirza’s quarters had been, Aliraed Yosef and Syed Yusef joined me from the
fort, and we entered the garden that lie had left. On finding that Khan Mirza had
escaped, we instantly left it. Ahmed Yusef was behind me, when, at the gate of the
Charbagh, as I was coming out, Dost Sirpuli Piadcli, a man to whom I had shown
particular marks of favour in Kabul, on account of his valour, and whom I had left in « >
the office of Kotwal, 3 advanced with a naked sword in liis hand, and made at me. I 1 ,| , M
had on my stuffed waistcoat, 4 but had not put on my plat e-mail. J had also omitted
to put on my helmet. Although I called out to him, “ Ho, Dost ! IIo, Dost !” and
spoke to him; and though Ahmed Yusef also called out ; whether it was that the cold
and snow had affected him, or whether he was hurried away by a confusion of ideas
arising from the bustle of fight, he did not know me, and, without stopping, let fall a

1 A Lenger is a house, in which Kalenders, or the religious devotees of the Muhammedans, live in, a
sort of collegiate state. A Caravansera is generally connected with it, and is often the only part remain-
ing of the establishment.

2 Garden of Heaven. 3 The Kotwal is a Superintendant of Police.

4 The jibeh is a sort of waistcoat quilted with cotton. The gherbiche or plate-mail, are four plates of

iron or other metal, made to cover the back, front, and sides.

216

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

blow on my bare arm. The grace of God was conspicuous ; it did not hurt a single
hair ;

However the sword of man may strike,

It injures not a single vein, without the will of God.

I had repeated a prayer, by virtue of which it was that Almighty God averted my
danger, and removed from me the risk to which I was exposed. It was as follows : —
Hi? pr»vcr. {Arabic) — “ O my God! Thou art my Creator; except Thee there is no. God. On
Thee do I repose my trust ; Thou art the Lord of the mighty throne. What God wills
comes to pass ; and what He does not will, comes not come to pass ; and there is no
power nor strength but through the High and Exalted God ; and, of a truth, in all things
God is Almighty ; and verily He comprehends all things by his knowledge, and has
taken account of everything. O my Creator ! as I sincerely trust in Thee, do Thou
seize by the forelock all evil proceeding from within myself, and all evil coming from
without, and all evil proceeding from every man who can be the occasion of evil, and
all such evil as can proceed from, any living tiling, and remove them far from me ;
since, of a truth, thou art the Lord of the exalted throne !”

Ht: attempts Proceeding thence, I went to the Bagh-e-Behisht, where Muliammed Hussain Mirza
Muliannnul resided ; but he had fled, and had escaped and hid himself. In a breach in the wall of
Juss* 1 *., the Baghcheh (or Little Garden), in which Muliammed Hussain Mirza had resided,
seven or eight archers kept their post. I galloped and spurred my horse at them ;
they durst not stand, but ran off. I came up with one of them, and cut him down,
lie went spinning off in such a way, that I imagined his head had been severed from
his body, and passed on. The person whom I had hit was Tulik Gokultash, the foster
brother of Khan Mirza; I struck him on the arm. Just as I had reached the door of
Muliammed Hussain Mirza’s house, there was a Moghul sitting on the terrace, who
had been in my service, and I recognised him. He fitted an arrow to his bow, and
aimed at me. A cry rose on all sides, “ That is the King !” lie turned from his aim,
discharged the arrow, and ran off. As the time for shooting was gone by, and as the
Mirza and his officers had fled away or were prisoners, wliat purpose was to be an-
swered by his shooting ? While 1 was at this palace, Sultan Senjer Birlas, whom I
had distinguished by favours, and to whom 1 had given the Tuman of Nangenhar, but
who had nevertheless engaged in this rebellion, was taken, and dragged before me with
a rope about his neck. Being in great agitation, he called out, “ What fault have I
done ?” “ Is there a greater crime than for a man of note like you to associate and

conspire with insurgents and rebels ?” As Shah Begum, 1 the mother of my maternal
uncle the Khan, was his sister’s daughter, I ordered them not to drag fiim in this
shameful way along the ground, but spared his life, and did him no more harm.

Leaving this place, I directed Ahmed Kasim Kuhber, who was one of the chiefs that
had been in the fort, to pursue Khan Mirza with a body of troops. Close by the

1 Shah Begum was one of the wives of Yunis Khan, the maternal grandfather of Baber, and was the
mother of Sultan Nigur-Khanum, who was Khan Mirza’s mother. It is to be observed, that Khanum
and Khaniin are used indiscriminately in all the copies.

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

SIT

Bagh-e-Behislit, 1 Shah Begum aud the Khanim 2 3 dwelt, in palaces which they had
themselves erected. On leaving the palace, I went to visit Shah Beguin and the

n ” visits tn
traffic, had not time to escape, as our soldiers came upon them quite unexpectedly. KiiiU ‘

The general opinion was, that, at a period of confusion like the present, it was fair to
plunder all such as came from a foreign country. I would not acquiesce in this. 1
asked, “ What offence have these merchants committed ? If, for the love of God, we
suffer these trifling things to escape, God will one day give us great and important
benefits in return ; as happened to us not very long ago, when we were on our expe-
dition against the Gliil jis ; the Mehmends, with their flocks, their whole effects, wives,
and families, were within a single farsang of the army. Many urged us to fall upon
them. From the same considerations that influence me now, I combated that pro-
posal, and the very next morning Almighty God, from the property of the refractory
Afghans, the Ghiljis, bestowed on the army so much spoil as had never perhaps been
taken in any other inroad.” We encamped after passing Kilat, and merely levied
something from each merchant by way of Peslikesh.

After passing Kilat, I was joined by Khan Mirza, whom I had suffered to retire into h met hy
Khorasan after his revolt in Kabul, and by Abdal Rizak Mirza, 2 who had staid behind ^ hftn Mir
in Khorasan when I left it. They had just escaped from Kandahar. The mother of
the Pir Muhamined Mirza, who was the grandson of Beliar Mirza, and the son of Je-
hangir Mirza, accompanied these Mirzas, and waited on me.

I now sent letters to Shah Beg and Mokim, informing them that I had advanced Shah Beg
thus far in compliance with their wishes ; that, as a foreign enemy like the Uzbeks ^

bad occupied Khorasan, it was necessary, in conjunction with them, to concert such “y rrt , n ov.it r
cise them in the best manner. Perhaps on no other occasion had I my troops in such ot
perfect discipline. All my household dependents 1 2 3 who could be serviceable, were di-
vided into bodies of tens and fifties, and I had appointed proper officers for each body,
and had assigned to each its proper station on the right or left, so that they were all
trained and perfectly informed of what they were to do ; and had orders to be on the
alert, and active, during the fight. The right and left wings,- the right and left divi-
sions, the right and left flanks, were to charge on horseback, and were drawn up ami
instructed to act of themselves, without the necessity of directions from the Tewachis ; 1
and in general the whole troops knew their proper stations, and were trained to attack
those to whom they were opposed. Although the terms Beranghar, Ung-Ku), IJngyan,
and Ung, have all the same meaning, yet for the sake of distinctness, I gave the dif-
ferent words different senses. As the right and left are called Beranghar and Jewang-
har 4 (Meimeneh and Myesereli), and are not included in the centre, which they call
Ghul, the right and left do not belong to the Ghul : in this instance, therefore, I .
called these separate bodies by the distinctive names of Beranghar and Jewanghar.

Again, as the Ghul or centre is a distinct body, I called its right and left by way of
distinction, Ung-kfil and Sfd-kul. The right and left of that part of the Centre where
my immediate dependents were placed, I called ITngian and Sulian. The right and
left of my own household troops, who were close at hand, I called Ung and Sul. In
the Beranghar or right wing, were Mirza Khan, Shirim Taghai, Yarek Taghai, with
his brother, Jclmeh Moghul, Ayub Beg, Muhammcd Beg, Ibrahim Beg, Ali Syed
Moghul, with the Moghuls, Sultan Ali Chehreh, Kliodai Bakhsli, and his brothers.

In the Jewanghar or left wing, were Abdal Rizak Mirza, Kasim Beg, Tengri Berdi,
Kember Ali Ahmed Elchi, Buglieh Ghuri Birl&s, Syed Hussain Akber, Mir Shah
Kochin Irawel , 5 6 Nasir Mirza, Syed Kasim the Ishik-agha (or Chamberlain), Mohib.

Ali Korchi, Papa Ughli, Alla Weiran Turkoman, Shir Kfili Kerawel Moghul, with
his brothers, and Ali Muhammed: In the Ghfil or centre on my right hand, Kasim
Gokultash, Khosrou Gokultash, Sultan Muhammed Duldai, Shah Mahmud Perwanchi
(the Secretary), Kul Baiezid Bekawel (the Taster), Kcmal Sherbetji (the Cup-bearer).

1 The Tabtnek Khaseh, are the troops that belong immediately to the prince, and who are not the re-
tainers or dependents of any of the Begs or Chiefs.

2 Beranghar and Jewanghar ; — the other terms are explained below.

3 The Tewachis were a sort of adjutants, who attended to the order of the troops, and carried orders
from the general.

4 The meaning of these words, by some oversight, is reversed in Richardson’s Dictionary (London,

1806), probably in consequence pf the loose and rather awkward explanation given by Men inski, under
Jewdnghdr va Beranghar , nomina puto, says he, ficta aut Scythica.

6 The Irawel and Kerawel, as has been already remarked, were the men of the advanced guard or
picquet.

2 F

228

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

On my left, Khwajeh Muhammed, Ali Dost, N&sir Miram, Nasir Baba Sliirzad, Jan
Kfili, Wali Kbizanchi (the Treasurer), Kuttek Kadam Kerawel, Maksud, Suchi , 1 and
Baba Sheikh ; besides these, all my own immediate servants and adherents were in the
centre ; there was no Beg or man of high rank in it ; for none of those whom I have
mentioned had yet attained the rank of Beg. With the party which was ordered to
be in advance, were Shir Beg, Janim Korbegi, Kepek Kuli, Baba Abul-IJassan Korchi ;
of the Urus Moghuls Ali Syed Derwish, Ali Syed Khush-Geldi, Chilmeh Dost Geldi,
Jilmeh Yaghenchi, Damaji Melidi ; of the Turkomans Mansur and Rustam, with his
brothers, and Shah Nazer Sewenduk.

rder of The enemy were divided into two bodies. One of them was commanded by Shah
®kujaa Arghun, who is known by the name of Shah Beg, and shall hereafter be called
Shah Beg ; the other by his younger brother Moklra. From the appearance of the
Arghiins, they looked about six or seven thousand in number. There is no dispute
that there were four or five thousand men in armour with them. lie himself was op-
posed to my right wing and centre, while Mokim was opposed to the left wing. Mo-
klm’s division was much smaller than his elder brother’s. He made a violent attack
on my left wing, where Kasim Beg was stationed with his division. During the fight,
t wo or three messages came to me from Kasim Beg, to ask succour ; but as t^e enemy
opposed to me were also in great force, I was unable to detach any men to his assist-

i hi- kittle, ance. We advanced without loss of time towards the enemy. When within bow-
shot, they suddenly charged, put my advance into confusion, and forced them to fall
back on the main-body, which, having ceased shooting, marched on to meet them ; they
on their part also gave over shooting, halted, and stood still a while. A person who
was over against me, after calling out to his men, dismounted and deliberately aimed
an arrow at me. I galloped up instantly to jncet him ; when I came near him, how-
ever, he did not venture to stand, but mounted his horse and returned back. This
man who had so dismounted was Shah Beg himself. During the battle, Piri Beg
Turkoman, with four or five of his brothers, taking their turbans in their hands , 2 left
the enemy and came over to us. This Piri Beg was one of those Turkomans who,
when Shah Ismael vanquished the Bayender Sultans, and conquered the kingdoms of
Irak, had accompanied Abdal Baki Mirza, Murad Beg Bayender, and the Turkoman
Begs, in their flight. My right wing continued to advance towards the enemy. Its
farther extremity made its way forward with difficulty, sinking in the soft ground close
by the place where I have since made a garden. My left wing proceeded a good deal
lower down than Baba Hussan Abdal, by the larger river and its streams and channels.
Mokim, with his dependents and adherents, was opposed to my left wing, which was
very inconsiderable in number, compared with the force under his command. Al-
mighty God, however, directed everything to a happy issue. Three or four of the
large streams which flow to Kandah&r and its villages were between the enemy and
my left. My people had seized the fords and obstructed the passage of the enemy, and
in spite of the fewness of their numbers, made a gallant fight, and stood firm against
every attack. On the part of the Arghuns, Khilwachi Ter khan engaged in a skir-

1 Probably Butler.

This was equivalent to an offer of submission.

MEMOIRS OF BABER-

229

mish with Kember Ali and Tengeri Berdi in the water. Kember AH was wounded ;

Kasim Beg was struck with an arrow in the forehead ; Ghuri Birlas was wounded
above the eyebrows by an arrow, which came out by the upper part of his cheek. At Baber vie-
that very crisis I put the enemy to flight, and passed the streams towards the project-
ing face of the hill of Murghan. While we were passing the streams, a person mount-
ed on a white charger appeared on the skirt of the hill, going backwards and forwards,
apparently in dismay and irresolute, as if uncertain which way to take ; at hist he set
off in a particular direction. It looked very like Shah Beg, and was probably himself.

No sooner was the enemy routed than all our troops set out to pursue them and make
prisoners. I* here might perhaps be eleven persons left witli me. One of these was
Abdalla Kitabd&r (the Librarian). Mokim was still standing his ground and lighting.

Without regarding the smallness of my numbers, and relying on the providence of
God, I beat the kettle-drum and marched towards the enemy.

(7 r urki .) — God is the giver of little and of much ;

In his court none other has power.

(Aralric.) — Often, at the command of God, the smaller army has routed the greater.

On hearing the sound of my kettle-drum, and seeing my approach, their resolution
failed, and they took to flight. God prospered us. Having put the enemy to flight, 1
advanced in the direction of Kandah&r, and took up my quarters at the Char-bagh of
Furekhzad, of which not a vestige now remains. Shall Beg and Mokim not being
able to regtun the fort of Kandahar in tlieir flight, the former went off for Shal and
Mastang, 1 and the latter for Zemin-Dawer, without leaving anybody in the castle able
to hold it out. The brothers of Ahmed Ali Terkhan, Kuli Beg Argliun, and a num-
ber of others, with whose attachment and regard to me I was well acquainted, were in
the fort. A verbal communication taking place, they asked the life of their brothers, Kandahar
and out of favourable consideration towards them, I granted their request. They Hurrcnders ‘
opened the Mashur-gate of the fort. From a dread of the excesses which might be
committed by our troops, the others were not opened. Shirim Beg and Yarek Beg
were appointed to guard the gate that was thrown open. I myself entered with a few
of my personal attendants, and ordered one or two marauders whom I met to be put
to death by the Atku and Tikeh. 2 I first went to Mokim’s treasury ; it was in the
walled town. Abdal Rizak Mirza had reached it before me and alighted. I gave
Abdal Rizak Mirza a present from the valuables in the treasury, placed Dost Nftsir
Beg and Kul Bayezid Bekawul in charge of it, and appointed Muliammed Baklishi as
paymaster. 3 Proceeding thence, I went to the citadel, where I placed Khwajch Mu-
hammed Ali and Shall Mahmud in charge of Sliali Beg’s treasury. I appointed Ta-

1 Shal and Mastang lie upwards of two degrees south of Kandah&r, on the borders of Belucliistan.
Zemin-Dawer lies west of the Helmend, below the Hazara hilis.

2 In this punishment the head of the criminal is fixed between two pieces of wood, and a very heavy
log or plank of several hundred weight, raised by placing a weight on one nd of it. This weight being
removed, the heavy end falls down and dashes out the criminal’s brains.

3 Bakhshi.

230

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

gimi Shall to be paymaster. I sent Miram Nasir and Maksud Suchi to the house of
Mir Jan, who was Ziilniin Beg’s Dlwan (or chief minister of revenue) ; Nasir Mirza
had the squeezing of him. Sheikh Abusaid Tcrkhan was given to Mirza Khan to be
laid under contribution. ****** i wag given to Abdal Rizak Mirza to try what he
could extort from him. Such a quantity of silver was never seen before in these coun-
tries ; indeed no one was known ever to have seen so much money. That night we
staid in the citadel. Sambal, a slave of Shall Beg’s, was taken and brought in. Al-
though at that time he was only in the private confidence of Shall Beg, and did not
hold any conspicuous rank, I gave him in custody to one of my people, who not
guarding him properly, Sambol effected his escape. Next morning I went to the Gar-
kamlubar den of Ferukhzad, where the army lay. I gave the kingdom of Kandahar to Nasir
Mirza. After the treasure was secured, when they had loaded it on the beasts of bur-
JVlirxa den, and were carrying it from the treasury that was within the citadel, Nasir Mirza
took away a string of (seven) mules laden with silver; I did not ask them back again,
but made him a present of them.

latent of Marching thence, we halted in the Auleng (or meadow) of Kosh-Khaneh . 2 3 I sent
tin- spoil, forward the army, while I myself took a circuit, and arrived rather late at the camp.

It was no longer the same camp, and I did not, know it again. There were Tipchak
horses, strings of long-haired male and female camels, and mules laden with silk-cloth
and fine linen ; long-haired female camels bearing portmanteaus, tents, and awnings
of velvet and purpet ; in every house, chests, containing hundreds of mans ‘ 1 of the
property and effects of the two brothers, were carefully arranged and packed as in a
treasury. In every storehouse were trunks upon trunks, and bales upon bales of cloth,
and other effects, heaped on eacli other ; cloak-bags on cloak-bags, and pots upon pots,
filled with silver money. In every man’s dwelling and tent there was a superfluity of
spoil. There were likewise many sheep ; but they were little valued. To Kasim Beg
I gave up the garrison that was in Kilat, who were servants of Mokim, and command-
ed by Kueli Arghun and Taj-ed-din Mahmud, together with all their property and
effects. Kasim Beg, who was a man of judgment and foresight, strongly urged me not
to prolong iny stay in the territory of Kandahar, and it was his urgency that made me
commence my march back. Kandahar, as has been said, I bestowed on Nasir Mirza ;
and, on his taking leave of me, I set out for Kabul. While we staid in the Kandahar
territory, we had not time to divide the treasure. On reaching Kara Bagli, we found
leisure to make the division. It being difficult to count the money, we used scales to
weigh and divide it. The Begs, officers, servants, and household, carried off on their
animals whole klierwars 4 and bags of silver money, with which they loaded them as
with forage ; and we reached Kabul with much wealth and plunder, and great repu-
tation.

1 The name does not appear in any of the MSS. Perhaps Baber, when writing, had forgotten it.

* There is a Ghftch Khaneh a mile and a half south of Kandahar, inclining west. It is probably a
corruption of the name here mentioned.

3 The Tabriz man is nearly seven English pounds.

4 The lvlierwar is nearly seven hundred pounds weight, being a hundred Tabriz mans.

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

231

On my arrival at this period, I married Maasumeli Sultan Begum, the daughter of lVibvr tviar-
Sultan Ahmed Mirza, whom I liad invited from Kliorasan.

Six or seven days afterwards, I learned by N&sir Mirza’ s servants, that Sheib&k Khan shdbak
liad arrived, and was blockading Kandahar. It has already been mentioned, that Mo-
kim had fled towards Zemin-Dawer. He went thence, and waited on Sheibak Khan, dnhar.
Shah Beg had also sent persons one after another, to invite him to their assistance;
and Sheibak Khan had in consequence advanced from Heri by the hill -country, in
hopes of taking me by surprise in Kandahar, and had posted on the whole way by
forced marches for that purpose. It was a foresight of the possibility of this very oc-
currence, that had induced Kasim Beg, who was a man of judgment, to urge with so
much earnestness my departure from Kandahar ;

{Persian.) What the young man secs in a mirror,

The sage can discern in a baked brick.

On his arrival he besieged Nasir Mirza in Kandahar.

When this intelligence reached me, I sent for my Begs, and held a council. It was Haber in
observed, that foreign bands and old enemies, as were the Uzbeks and Sheibak Khan, tll,irmu *
had occupied the countries so long under the dominion of the family of Taimur Beg?
that of the Turks and Jaghatai, who were still left on various sides, and in different,
quarters, some from attachment, and others from dread, had joined the Uzbeks; that
I was left alone in Kabul; that the enemy was very powerful, and I very weak ; that
I had neither the means of making peace, nor ability to maintain the war with them ;
that, in these difficult circumstances, it was necessary for us to think of some place in
which we might be secure, and, as matters stood, the more remote from so powerful lksiiau-
an enemy the better ; that it was advisable to make an attempt either on the side of ^Viiarri! ‘
Badakhslian, or of Hindustan, one; of which two places must be pitched upon as tlie
object of our expedition. Kasim Beg and Shi rim Beg, with their adherents, were for
our proceeding against Badakhslian. At that time, the chief persons who still held up
their heads in Badakhslian in any force, were Mobarck Shall and Zobeir. Jehangir
Turkoman and Muhammed Korchi, who had driven Nasir Mirza out of that country,
liad never been reduced to submission by the Uzbeks, and were likewise in some force.

I and a number of my chief Amirs and firmest adherents, on the other hand, having
preferred the plan of attacking Hindustan, 1 set out in that direction, and advanced
by way of Lemglian. After the conquest of Kandahar, I had bestowed Kilat, and the
country of Ternek, 1 on Abdal Rizak Mipza, who had accordingly been left in Kilaf.

When the Uzbeks came and besieged Kandahar, Abdal Rizak Mirza, not finding him-
self in a situation to maintain Kil&t, abandoned it, and rejoined me. He arrived just
when I was setting out from Kabul, and I left him in that place.

As there tvas no king, and none of royal blood in Badakhslian, Khan Mirza, at the Khan.Mii/*
instigation of Shah Begum, 2 or in consequence of an understanding with her, showed a >r

si tar..

1 The country of Ternek lies on the river of that name, which runs from Makar towards Kandahar.

2 Shah Begum was the daughter of Shah Sultan Muhammed, king of Badakhslian, and the widow of
Yunis Khan, Baber’s maternal grandfather. She w*as the mother of Sultan Nigar Khanutn, whose son
Khan Mirza was, by Sultan Mahmud Mirza of Hissar. Shah Begum was therefore the young prince’s
grandmother, and he probably relied for success on the interest of her family in Badnkhsh&n.

232

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

desire to try his fortunes in that quarter. I accordingly gave him leave. Shah Begun
accompanied Khan Mirza ; my mother’s sister, Mehr Nig&r-Kh&num , 1 also took a fane]
to go into Badakhsh&u. It would have been better, and more becoming, for her tes were putting round tlieir necks, for the pur-
pose of hanging them, when Kasim Beg sent Khalifeh to me, earnestly to entreat for-
giveness for their offences. To gratify the Beg, I gave up the capital part of their
punishment, and ordered them to be cast into prison.

The Hissaris and Kundezis, and the Moghuls of superior rank, who had been in
Rhosrou Shah’s service, among whom were Chilmeh Ali, Syed Shekmeh, Shir Kuli,
Iku Salim, and others, who had been promoted and patronised by him ; certain of the
Jaghatai, such as Sultan Ali Chehrch, Khodai Bakhsh, with their dependents ; some
of the Sewcnduk Turkomans, Shah Nazer, with his adherents, amounting in all to
two or three thousand good soldiers, at this very time, having consulted and conspired
together, had come to a resolution to revolt. Those whom 1 have mentioned lay near
Khwajeh Riwaj, stretching from the valley of Sung-Kurghan to the valley of Chalak. 6
Abdal Rizak Mirza having come from Nangcnhar, took up his quarters in Deh- Afghan.
Mohib Ali Korchi had once or twice communicated to Khalifeh and Miilla Baba some

1 March 6, 1508.

2 The king victorious in might.

3 The year of the Hejira 914 commenced on the 2d of May 1508.

4 North of Kabul.

‘ This is the first notice taken of Jchangir’s death. He seems to have died soon after the expedition
into Khorasan, Khafi Khan says of a dysentery, va azare-mui ; or, according to Ferishta, of hard
drinking.

fi These places lie close by Kabul. Khwajeh llawask is in Butkhah, two or three miles south of
Kabul.

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

235

intimations of this conspiracy and assembling ; and I myself had received some hints
of its existence. I had reckoned the surmises not entitled to credit, and paid them no
kind of attention. I was sitting one night at the Char-bagh, in the presence-chamber,
after bed-time prayers, when Mftsa Khw&jeh and another person came hurriedly close
up to me, and whispered me that the Moghuls had, beyond a doubt, formed treacher-
ous designs. I could not be prevailed upon to believe that they had drawn Abdal Ri-
zak Mirza into their projects ; and still less could I credit that their treasonable inten-
tions were to be executed that very night. I therefore did not give that attention to
the information that I ought, and a moment after I set out for the Ilaram. At that
time the females of my family were in the Bagh-e-Khilwat, and in the Bagh-e-Tur-
va-tokhfeh. When I came near the Haram, all my followers, of every rank and de-
scription, and even my night-guards, 1 went away. After their departure, Fwent on
to the city, attended only by my own people and the royal slaves. I had reached the
Ditch at the Iron Gate, when Khwajeh Muhammed Ali, who had just come that way
from the market-place, met me, and

[The events of this year conclude abruptly in the 6ame manner in all the copies.]
1 The Yatieh are the persons who watch by night at the prince’s door.

SUPPLEMENT,*

Revolt of
the Mf«-
$liuk

(ieneral
detection
of Baber’s
troops.

CONTAINING

AN ABRIDGED ACCOUNT OF BABER’S TRANSACTIONS,

FROM THE BEGINNING OF A. H. 9H TO THE BEGINNING OF A. H. 925. 1 *

The Memoirs of Baber are once more interrupted at a very important crisis, and
we are again left to glean, from various quarters, an imperfect account of the transac-
tions that ensued. It is probable that Kliwajeh Muhammcd Ali, who had just passed
through the market-place, informed Baber that he had seen a gathering of Moghuls,
and that measures were taking to seize his person. This at least is certain, that Ba-
ber escaped the impending danger, and regained his camp. The Moghuls who had
been in Khosrou Shah’s service, were the most active agents in this conspiracy. They
do not appear ever to have co-operated heartily with Baber, who always speaks of
them and their race with strong marks of dislike and resentment.* They had com-
bined with the other men of influence mentioned in the Memoirs, and had agreed not
only to raise Abdal Rizak Mirza to the throne of Kabul and Ghazni, which had been
held by his father, Ulugh Beg Mirza, Baber’s uncle, but also to put him in possession
of Badakhsban, Kundez, and Khutlau, and all the territories which had formerly been
held by Khosrou Shah. Such were the effects produced in Baber’s army by this sudden
defection of so many men of eminence, of different nations and tribes, that next morn-
ing he could not muster in his whole camp more than five hundred horse. Great,
numbers of liis followers and soldiers had hastily retired to Kabul, under pretence of
taking care of their families . 3

1 From A.D. IMS to the beginning of January A.D. 1519.

* Under these circumstances, it may seem one of the strangest caprices of fortune, that the empire
which he founded in India should have been called, both in the country and by foreigners, the empire of
the Moghuls, thus taking its name from a race that he detested. This arose not so much from his
being a descendant of Chcngis Khan, as from his being a foreigner from the north ; and from the age of
Chengis Khan downwards, all Tartars and Persians, in the loose colloquial language of India, seem to
have been denominated Moghuls.

‘. khw.
as Baber has himself mentioned. His grandmother, Shah Begum, was the daughter
of Shah Sultan Muhammed, the King of Badakhslian ; so that the Mirza had probably
some hereditary connexions in the country. His outset was not prosperous. His
grandmother and Meher Nigar-Khanum, his aunt, who followed in the rear of his
army, were carried off by Mirza Ababeker Kashghari ; and Khan Mirza himself was
defeated and obliged to surrender to Zoblr, who detained him in custody. Finally,
however, Yusef Ali, who had formerly been in the Mirza’s service, formed a conspi-
racy against Zoblr, whom he assassinated ; when Khan Mirza was raised to the undis-
turbed possession of the throne of Badakshan, which he held till his death.

1 Perhaps rather Sifitdni, as in Ferishta.

8 Khan Mirza was, as has been mentioned, the son of Sultan Mahmud Mirza, the king of Ilissar,

Khutlan, and Badakhslian, and of Sultan Nigar-Klianum, a sister of Baber’s mother. He was conse-
quently Baber’s cousin both by the father and mother’s side. His proper name was Sultan Weis Mirza.

288

SUPPLEMENT TO THE

A.l>. 1510 . In the year 916 of the Hejira, an event occurred, which Baber had no influence in
siicibani° f P ro( ldcing, but which promised the most favourable change on his fortunes. SheibsLni
khan and Khan, after the defeat of Badia-ez-zeman and the sons of Sultan Hussain Mirza, had
nS 15 overrun KhorasAn with a large army. Some parties of his troops, in the course of
their incursions, had entered and committed devastations on territories claimed by
Shah Ismael, who at that time filled the Persian throne ; and he had even sent an army
to invade Kerman. 1 Shah Ismael, having subdued the Turkomans in Azerbaejan, had
reduced under one government the various provinces of Persia to the west of the de-
sert, which for so long a series of years had been divided into petty principalities. On
receiving information of these aggressions, he immediately sent to Sheibani Khan
respond** 1 ” ara ka8sadors, who carr ied letters, remonstrating, but with great courtesy, against the
cncc. aggressions which had occurred within the boundaries of his dominions. The Uzbek
prince, rendered haughty by long success, returned for answer, that he did not com-
prehend Shah Ismael’s meaning ; that, for his own part, he was a prince who held
dominions by hereditary descent ; but that, as for Shah Ism&el, if he had suffered any
diminution of his paternal possessions, it was a very easy matter to restore them
entire to him ; and he at the same time sent him the staff and wooden begging-dish 2 *
of a mendicant. He added, however, that it was his intention one day to go the pil-
grimage of Mekka, and that he would make a point of seeing him by the way. Shah
Ismael, who was descended of a celebrated Dervish, and who prided himself on Iris
descent from the holy Syed, affected to receive the taunt with patient humility. He
returned for answer, that if glory or shame, here or hereafter, was to be estimated by
the worth or demerit of ancestors, he would never think of degrading his forefathers
by any comparison with those of Sheib&ni Khan ; that if the right of succession to a
throne was decided by hereditary descent only, it was to him incomprehensible how
the empire had descended through the various dynasties of Peshdadians, Kaianians,
and the family of Cheugis, 9 to Sheibani himself. That he too intended making a pil-
grimage, but it was to the tomb of the holy Imam Reza 4 at Meshhid, which might
afford him an opportunity of meeting Sheib&ni Khan. He sent him a spindle and reel,
with some cotton, giving him to understand that words were a woman’s weapons ;
that it would become him either to sit quietly in his corner, busied in some occupation
that befitted him, or to come boldly into the field to meet his enemy in arms, and listen
to a few words from the two-tongued Zulfikar. 5 “ Let us then fairly try,” concluded
Shah Ismael, t( to which of the two the superiority* belongs. You will at least learn
that you have not now to deal with an inexperienced boy.” 6 * *

1 Sec the Tarikh Alim-Arai Abassi of Mirza Sekander, vol. I. MS.

s The kuclikuli is a sort of dish or ladle which mendicants hold out for receiving alms.

9 These were different dynasties that had governed Persia and Khoras&n.

4 It is the duty of all Muhammedans to visit Mekka. The Shias alone visit the shrine of Im&m Reza,
which is at Meshhid, in Khorasan, in the territory then belonging to Sheibani Khan.

5 Zulfikar was the celebrated two-bladed Bword of Ali, from whom Shah Ism&el boasted his descent.

6 In the account of this correspondence I follow Khafi Khan, corrected by Mirza Sekander, the author
of the Alim-arai Abassi. Khafi Khan and Ferishta mention the presents, which are not alluded to by

the Persian writer, who probably did not choose to record incidents, the remembrance of which the

reigning family, having shaken off the Dervish, were not proud to recall. He mentions the pilgrimages

of Mekka and Meshhid, a subject more agreeable to the prevailing prejudices.

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

239

Without losing a moment, or giving the enemy time to prepare for meeting him, ism&ei
Shah Ism&el put his army in motion, and advanced through Khor&s&u as far as Mesh- vltaKho.
hid. The detachments of the Uzbek army all fell back and retired to HeriLt. Shei-
bani Khan, who had just returned from an expedition iuto the country of the Hazaras, retire* to
on hearing of Shah Ismael’s arrival at Meshhid, perceiving that he was too weak to meet iVIerv ‘
his enemy in the field, left Jan Vafa Mirza in Herat, and set off with such of his troops
as he could collect, to Merv Shahjehan, a station where he could receive reinforcements
from his northern dominions ; or from which, if necessary, he could retire across the
Amu. Jan Vafa was not long able to maintain himself in Herat. He found it neces-
sary, very speedily, to follow Sheibani Khan. Shah Ismael himself now advanced to-
wards Merv, and sent on Daneh Muhammed with a largo force to clear the way. That
officer was met by Jan Vafa Mirza near Takerabad of Merv : a desperate action ensued,
in which the Persian general fell, but Jan Vafa was defeated. Sheibani Khan, unable
to oppose the Persians in the field, retired into the fort of Merv. He sent messengers in which
to call all his generals and cliieftans from beyond the Amu, most of them having re- sieged,
tired with their troops to their various governments, after the conquest of Khoras&ii.

Many desperate actions took place under the walls of Merv Shahjehan. Shah Ismael,
seeing that the siege was likely to extend to great length, which would have exposed
him to an attack from the whole force of Turkistan and Maweralnaher, pretended to
be under the necessity of raising it. He sent to tell Sheibani Khan that he had been
rather more punctual to his engagements than that prince had been ; that he had per-
formed the pilgrimage of Meshhid as he had promised, while Sheibani Khan had fail-
ed to keep his appointment : that he was now under the necessity of returning home
to his own dominions, but would still be extremely happy to meet him on the road,
whenever he set out on his intended pilgrimage to Mekka. He then retired with all
his forces from before Merv, and appeared to be measuring back his way to Irak. The
feint succeeded. Sheibani Khan followed him with twenty-five thousand 1 men, but Decinivc
had scarcely passed a river about ten miles from Merv, when Shah Ism&el, who threw bAttk *‘
a body of horse into his rear, broke down the bridge, and fell upon him with seven-
teen thousand cavalry. The regulated valour of the Kezzelhashes, or red-bonnets, the
name given to the Persian soldiers, speedily prevailed. Sheibani Khan was defeated, Sheibani
and his retreat cut off. lie was forced to fly, attended by about five hundred men, defetttcd ’
chiefly the sons of Sultans, the heads of tribes, and men of rank, into an inclosure
which had been erected for accommodating the cattle of travellers, and of the neigh-
bouring peasants. They were closely pursued, and hard pressed. The inclosure had
only one issue, which was that attacked by the pursuers. The Khan leaped his horse
over the wall of the inclosure, towards the river, but fell, and was soon overlaid, and and slain,
smothered by the numbers who followed him. After the battle his dead body was
sought for, and was disentangled from the heap of slain by which it was covered. His
head was cut off, and presented to Shah Ismael, who ordered his body to be dismem-
bered, and his limbs to be sent to different kingdoms. The skin of the head was strip-

1 The author of the Alim-arai Abassi, says thirty thousand.

240

SUPPLEMENT TO THE

Shah Is-
mael occu-
pies Kho-
rusan.

subsequent

events.

Baber

marches

against

llissar.

peel off, stuffed with hay, and Rent to Sultan Bayezid , 1 2 the son of Sultan Muliammed
Ghazi, the Turkish Emperor of Constantinople, His skull, set in gold, the king used
as a drinking-cup, and was proud of displaying it at great entertainments. An anec-
dote illustrative of the barbarous manners of the Persians, is recorded by Mirza Sek-
ander. The Prince of Mazenderan, who still held out against Shah IsmAel, had been
accustomed often to repeat, that he was wholly in the interests of Sheibani Khan, and,
using an idiomatic expression, that his hand was on the skirts of the Khan’s garment ;
meaning, that he clung to him for assistance and protection. A messenger from Shah
Ismael, advancing into the presence of the prince while sitting in state in his court,
addressed him, and said, that he never had been so fortunate as literally to have placed
his hand on the hem of Sheibani Khan’s garment, but that now Sheibani’s hand was
indeed on his ; and, witli these words, dashed the rigid hand of Sheibani Khan on the
hem of the prince’s robe, and rushing through the midst of the astonished courtiers,
mounted and escaped uninjured. About a thousand 3 Uzbeks, with a number of women
of rank, and children, fell into the hands of the Persians.

Shah Ismael, immediately after the battle, inarched to Herat, the gates of which
were opened to him. He commanded the divine service in the Mosques to be cele-
brated according to the Shia rites, which he had introduced into Persia, but met with
great opposition from the principal men of the place. Enraged at this, lie put to death
the chief preacher of the Great Mosque, the Sheikh-ul-Islam, who was the chief Mu-
s ill man doctor and judge, with several of the most eminent divines, as a punishment
for the obstinacy and contumacy with which they adhered to the old doctrines and
ceremonies ; and in the end found, that it was a far easier matter to conquer a king-
dom, than to change the most insignificant religious opinions or usages of its inhabi-
tants*

The transactions of the Uzbeks for some time after the death of Sheibani Khan, are
not very distinctly detailed. Jani Beg appears to have succeeded to the immediate
command of the Uzbek army, and, with him, Shah Ismael soon after concluded an agree-
ment, by which it was stipulated, that the Uzbeks should all retire beyond the Amu,
which was to form the boundary between them and the Persians. Abdalla Khan ap-
pears to have held Bokhara, while Taimur Khan , 1 the son of Sheibani Khan, reigned
in Samarkand.

The defeat and death of Baber’s most inveterate foe, from whom all his misfortunes
had originated, and by whom he had been driven from the dominions of his forefathers,
now opened to him the fairest hopes of recovering the kingdoms of his father and
uncles. Khan Mirza, his cousin, immediately on hearing of the death of Sheibani
Khan, wrote to congratulate him on the event, and invited him into Badakhshan ; and

1 Called Bajazet by European writers.

2 In the account of the transactions of Sheibani Khan, and Shah Ismael, in Khorasan, and of the sub-
sequent battle, I follow Mirza Sekandcr as the most intelligent guide. Some circumstances are borrowed
from Khafi Khan, who follows Mirza Iiaider, the author of the Tarikh-e-Reshidi, a contemporary and
well-informed historian. Ferishta, whose information is here very defective, gives Sheibani Khan an
army of a hundred thousand men in the battle.

3 See the Alim-arai Abassi. Khafi Khan speaks of him’ as descended of the great Taimur Beg.

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

241

Baber having, without delay, crossed the mouutains from Kabul, united his forces shnwai,
with those of the Mirza. He was in hopes that he might have carried the important * iV?”

fort of Hissar by a sudden attack, and for that purpose, advanced across the Amu up lr>l L
to the walls of the place. But the Uzbeks had already had leisure to recover from the
first effects of the consternation into which they had been thrown by their defeat ; and
the Governor of Hiss&r, aware that it was likely to be one of the first objects of attack,
had collected a body of men, and put the town in a posture of defence. Though the
loss of the Uzbeks in the battle had been great, their power was by no means broken.

There was no force left in Maweralnaher from which they had anything to apprehend.

It is probable that they were speedily joined by numbers of volunteers, and by some
wandering tribes 1 2 3 from the deserts beyond the Sirr. The provinces between that river
and the Amu were too rich a prey to be easily abandoned by brave and needy Tartars ; fails
so that Baber, after advancing into the vicinity of Hissar, finding that his strength was u-rpn/trongly posted at Nakhsheb

or Karshi.

6 Tarikh-e-KMfi Khan ; but the transactions of this period are very uncertain ; and, from Baber’s
Memoirs, it is rather probable that he defeated Mehdi Sultan.

242

SUPPLEMENT TO THE

Baber re*
reives as-
sistance
from Shah
Ismael.

Reduces

Hissar,

Khutlan,

Khozar,&c.

Bokhara
and Samar*
kand.

Middle of
Rajeb,
A.H. !I17.

Bokhara in.
vaded by
the Uzbeks.
A.H. JH7-
18, from
October

1511, to the
beginning
of June

1512.

Baber de-
feated.

Sefer A.H.
HI 8. April
or May
1512.

Abandons
Samarkand.
Is besieged
in Hissar.

A. D. 1512.
Siege raised.

The embassy of Khan Mirza to Shah Ism&el had been so successful, that he now re-
turned accompanied by a detachment of Persian auxiliaries, sent by the King to the
assistance of Baber, under the command of Ahmed Sultan Siifi, a relation of the Per-
sian monarch, of Ali Khan Istiljo, and of Shahrokh Sultan, his sealbearer, an Afshar, 1
by whose co-operation Baber defeated and slew Jemshid Sultan, and Mahmud Sul-
tan, who had the chief authority in the country of Hissar, and gained possession of
Iiiss&r as well as of Kundez, Khutlan, and Khoz&r ; and so rapidly did his situation
improve, that, if we may believe Ferishta, whose authority is supported by that of
Kliafi Khan, he now saw himself at the head of an army of sixty thousand horse.

Encouraged by this prosperous state of his affairs, he resolved to attempt the con-
quest of Bokhara, which, since the death of Shcibani Khan, had been held by Abdalla
Khan and his Uzbeks. On his approach, they abandoned the country and retired to
Turkistan. 2 Baber advanced up the river from Bokhara, and was soon in possession
of Samarkand, as well as of the districts dependent on it ; he entered it about the be-
ginning of October 1511, as a conqueror, and the Khutbeh 3 or prayer for the sove-
reign was read, and the coin struck in his name.

Having thus, for the third time, taken possession of Samarkand, he committed the
government of Kabul to Nasir Mirza, and dismissed the generals of Shah IsmfLel, after
having amply rewarded them for their services.

Baber had now spent eight months of the succeeding winter and spring in all the
enjoyments of Samarkand, when he was alarmed by the unwelcome news that an army
of Uzbeks, more in number, says the historian, 4 than ants or locusts, had collected,
and were on their march for Bokhara, under the command of Muhammed Taimur
Sultan, the son of Sheib&ni Khan, who, as has been already mentioned, after his fa-
ther’s death, had been raised by the Uzbeks to the rank of Sultan of Samarkand. Ba-
ber, without delay, and with very inferior force, sought them out, and falling in with
them near Bokhara, engaged them in a bloody battle, in which, from the inferiority of
his numbers, he met with a complete defeat, and was obliged to fly back to Samar-
kand. He soon discovered, however, that he had no chance of being able to defend
himself in that capital. He therefore withdrew to Hissar, whither he was followed by
the Uzbek chiefs and closely blockaded. In this exigency he retired into the town and
suburbs, blocked up the entrance of the streets, and threw up strong defences. He at
the same time dispatched messengers to Balkh, to Biram Khan Karamanlu, who was
then in that neighbourhood with an army of Persians. Biram Khan instantly sent a
detachment to his relief, and at their approach the Uzbeks raised the siege and re-
treated.

1 The Afshars are a Turki tribe celebrated in the History ef Persia.

2 Turkistan, in its extensive sense, is applied to the whole country inhabited by the Ttirki tribes. It
is, in a more limited sense, applied to the countries north of the Sirr below Tashkend, where there is also
a town of the name of Turkistan. In the details of the events of this period, the author of the Alim-
arai Abassi is more consistent than Ferishta or Khafi Khan.

3 See Ferishta and Khafi Khan, the Indian authorities. Mirza Sekander, the Persian authority, says,
that the Khutbeh was read in the name of Shah Ism&el ; and some circumstances render this not impro-
bable, hut it is difficult to disentangle the truths of history from the maze of Persian and Indian flattery.

4 Khafi Khan.

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

243

Shall Ism&el, on hearing of these events, being probably apprehensive of a new Uz- Baber join,
bek invasion, sent Nijim Sani Isfahan!, one of his principal officers, with a large force, ^ ll11
for the protection of Khorasan. This general, without orders from hie sovereign, was vancc^t that Baber himself with difficulty escaped into the citadel of Hissfir in his night-
clothes, not having even had time to put on his shoes ; and so desperate had the situ-
ation of his affairs now become, that he had not a hope left of being able to revenge
the affront. The power and influence of the Uzbeks daily increased, till they regained
the undisputed possession of all Maweralnaher, including the country of Hissfir. A
famine and pestilence were added to the calamities of war, and Baber, who was shut
up within the citadel of Hissar, was reduced to the last extremes of misery.

Disaffection What diminished his ultimate chance of success, was a marked disaffection to his
▼prament government, which bad manifested itself from Hissar to Bokhara. When he first en-
tered the country on the defeat of Sheibani Khan, the news of liis approach was re-
ceived with the strongest demonstrations of joy, both in the territories of Hissar and
of Samarkand ; and he was hailed as a deliverer. But causes of mutual disgust speedily
arose. As lie relied much on the assistance of Shall Ismael, the King of Persia, for
reconquering his dominions, in order to gratify that prince, he is said to have dressed
himself and his troops in the Persian fashion, and to have issued an order that all his
troops should wear a red cloth in their caps like Kezzel bashes. The principal men of
Samarkand and Bokhara were highly offended at this order, which, with the general
distinction shown to the Persian auxiliaries, and perhaps some acts of Baber implying
a dependance on the Persian king, appeared like a preparation for their becoming sub-
jects of Persia. Their hostility to the Persians was now increased by difference of re-
ligion, Shah Ismfiel being a warm and zealous apostle of the Shla faith, while Mawer-
aluaher, from the earliest ages of the Islam, was always famous for the orthodoxy of
its doctors and inhabitants. The detestation which the orthodox Sunnis of M&weral-
naher then bore to the heretical Shias of Persia, was certainly increased by the persecu-
tions at Herat ; and it continues undiminished at the present hour, particularly among
the Uzbeks, one of whom seldom willingly enters the territories of Persia 1 except as
an enemy. The nobles and religious men of Samarkand and Bokhara had expressed
great indignation that their soldiers should be disguised as Kezzelbashes. The usual
weapons of ridicule and abuse were plentifully lavished on the king and his army, to
expose these innovations to derision . 2 The massacre at Karshi, though it occurred in

1 X happened to meet with a singular instance of this, while making some inquiries regarding the geo-
graphy of Uzbek Turkistan. An Uzbek Mulla, whom I consulted, had just made the pilgrimage of Mekka.
On inquiring if he had passed through Persia, he expressed great horror. I found, that to avoid touch-
ing the soil of Persia, he had gone from Bokhara to Kokitn, thence to Kashgbar, thence to Astrakhan,
whence by Krim Tartary he had reached Constantinople. He went by sea to Egypt, and joined the ca-
ravan of Cairo. I gaw him at Bombay, whither he had come from Jidda, after making the Haj , or pil-
grimage. He was preparing to return home by Delhi, Lahore, and Peshawcr, to avoid coming in con-
tact with the Persian Shias.

2 They insulted the king and his troops, asking how they came to cover their heads nervis asininis,
as they deridingly called the red piece of cloth that hangs from the top of the Persian cap.— See Khafi
Khan, vol. I. MS.

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

2*5

spite of Baber’s efforts to prevent it, probably produced its natural consequences.

Such an execution inevitably generates alienation and hatred ; and unless supported by
an overwhelming force, so as to keep alive feelings of terror, is sure to be fatal by the
detestation it produces. The contempt and liatred excited against the invaders spread
in all directions, and finally extended to the king and all liis measures. Baber, in the Baber ki
end, seeing all hope of recovering Hissar and Samarkand totally vanished, once more furnTtV’
recrossed the Hindukush mountains, attended by a few faithful followers, who still Kabul,
adhered to his fortunes, and again arrived in the city of KAbul. From this time he
seems to have abandoned all views 1 on the country of Maweralnaher ; and he was “ led
by divine inspiration,” says the courtly Abulfazl, writing in the reign of his grandson,

“ to turn his mind to the conquest of Hindustan.”

But his arms were previously employed for several years in attempting a conquest Haber’* at
nearer to his capital. When Sheibani Khan was obliged to raise the siege of the cita- KamiubTr
del of Kandahar, to return to the rescue of his family in Nirehtu, Nasir Mirza, Baber’s a . n. s#i:t,
youngest brother, who defended the place, had been reduced to great difficulties. The A * l> * lr>u –
departure of Sheibani Khan did not much improve his situation ; for Shah Beg and
Mokim remained in the neighbourhood, and, in a short time, so much straitened the
young prince, who, from the first, was but ill prepared for a siege, that he soon found
it necessary to abandon the citadel of Kandahar, and return to the court of his brother.

Baber bestowed on him the government of Ghazni, an incident mentioned among the
events of the year 913. The year in which Baber came back from Kundez to Kabul,

I have not discovered; but his return was probably in the course of 921. Of the a. I>. i.m.v
transactions of the three following years, our accounts are very imperfect. There is
reason to believe that they were chiefly spent in an annual invasion of the territory of
Kandahar, the forts of which were defended by Shah Beg, though he did not venture
to oppose the invaders in the field.

The fragment of Baber’s Memoirs which follows, describes his first invasion of In-
dia, and also what Khafi Khan and Ferishta regard as the second. It includes a pe-
riod of only one year and a month. The Memoirs here assume the form of a journal.

1 His hopes were revived for a moment near the close of his life.

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

EVENTS OF THE YEAR 985.’

A. I). On Monday, 1 2 the first day of the month of Moharrem, there was a violent earth*
J a ® uat y 3 ‘ quake in the lower part of the valley, or Jftlga of Chandfil, 3 which lasted nearly half
marches to an astronomical hour. Next morning I marched from this stage, for the purpose of
attiuk Ba- attacking the fort of Bajour. Having encamped near it, I sent a trusty man of the
Dilazak Afghans to Bajour, to require the Sultan of Bajour and his people to submit,
and deliver up the fort. That stupid and ill-fated set refused to do as they were ad-
vised, and sent back an absurd answer. I therefore ordered the army to prepare their
besieging implements, scaling-ladders, and engines for attacking fortresses. For this
purpose we halted one day in our camp.

January c Thursday, the 4tli of Moharrem, I ordered the troops to put on their armour,

to prepare their weapons, and to mount in readiness for action. The left wing I or-
dered to proceed higher up than the fort of Bajour, to cross the .river at the ford, and
to take their ground to the north of the fort ; I ordered the centre not to cross the
river, but to station themselves in the broken and high grounds to the north-west.
The right wing was directed to halt to the west of the lower gate. When Dost Beg
and the Begs of the left wing were halting, after crossing the river, a hundred or a
hundred and fifty foot sallied from the fort, and assailed them by discharges of arrows.
The Begs, on their side, received the attack, and returned the discharge, chased back
the enemy to the fort, and drove them under the ramparts. Mulla Abdalmalek of
Khost madly pushed on his horse, and rode close up to the foot of the wall. If
the scaling-ladders and Tura 4 had been ready, and the day not so nearly spent, we
should have taken the castle at that very time. Mulla Tfirk Ali, and a servant of
Tengri Berdi, having each engaged in single combat with an enemy, took their anta-
gonists, cut off their heads, and brought them back. Both of them were ordered to

1 Dr Leyden’s translation here begins again.

2 The whole of the year 925 of the Hejira is included in A.D. 1519.

3 This Valley is now called Jondol, or Jandol. It is about a day’s journey from Bajour, to the north
or north-east. The name of Chandul, however, is still known.

4 The Tura, as has already been observed, were probably broad testudos, under cover of which the
besiegers advanced to the stonn.

MEMOIRS OF BABER

247

receive honorary presents. As tlie people of Bajour had never seen any matchlocks,
they at first were not in the least apprehensive of them, so that when they heard the
report of the matchlocks, they stood opposite to them, mocking and making many un-
seemly and improper gestures. That same day, Ustad Ali Kuli brought down five
men with his matchlock, and WaliKIiazin also killed two. The rest of the matchlock-
men likewise showed great courage, and behaved finely. Quitting their shields, their
mail, and their cowheads, 1 they plied their shot so well, that before evening, seven,
eight, or ten Bajouris were brought down by them ; after which, the men of the fort
were so alarmed, that, for fear of the matchlocks, not one of them would venture to
show his head. As it was now evening, orders were given that the troops should be
drawn off for the present, but should prepare the proper implements and engines, for
assaulting the fortress iu the morning twilight.

On Friday, the 5th day of Moharrem, at the first dawn of light, orders were given
to sound the kettle-drum for action. The troops all moved forward according to the
stations assigned them, and invested the place. The left wing and centre having
brought at once an entire Turn from their trenches, applied the scaling-ladders, and
began to mount. Khalifeh, Shall Hassau Arghun, and Alimcd Yosef, with their fol-
lowers, were ordered from the left of the centre, to reinforce the left wing. Dost Beg’s
men reached the foot of a tower on the north-east of the fort, and began undermining
and destroying the walls. Ustad Ali Kuli was also there, and that day too lie mana-
ged his matchlock to good purpose ; the Feringy 2 3 piece was twice discharged. Wall
Khazin also brought down a man with his matchlock. On the left of the centre, Malek
Kutub Ali having mounted the walls by a scaling-ladder, was for some time engaged
hand to hand with the enemy. At the lines of the main body, Muhammed Ali Jeng-
jeng, and his younger brother Nouroz, mounted by a scaling-ladder, and fought bravely
with spear and sword. Baba Yesawel, mounting by another scaling-ladder, busied
himself in demolishing with an axe the parapet of the fort. Many of our people brave-
ly climbed up, kept plying the enemy with their arrows, and would not suffer them
to raise their heads above the works ; some others of our people, in spite of all the ex-
ertions and annoyance of the enemy, and not minding their hows and arrows, employ-
ed themselves in breaking through the walls, and demolishing the defences. It was
luncheon-time 5 when the tower to the north-cast, which Dost Beg’s men were under-
mining, was breached ; immediately on which the assailants drove the enemy before
them, and entered the tower. The men of the main body, at the same time, also mount-
ed by their scaling-ladders, and entered the fort. By the favour and kindness of God,
in the course of two or three hours, we took this strong castle. All ranks displayed

1 The cowheads were probably a kind of awning, covered with cow-hides, to admit of the matchlock-
men loading in safety.

2 Much has been written concerning the early use of gunpowder in the East. There is, however, no
well-authenticated fact to prove the existence of anything like artillery there, till it was introduced from
Europe. Baber here, and in other places, calls his larger ordnance Feringi, a proof that they were then
regarded as owing their origin to Europe. The Turks, in consequence of their constant intercourse with
the nations of the West, have always excelled all the other Orientals in the use of artillery ; and, when
heavy cannon were first used in India, Europeans or Turks were engaged to serve them.

3 Chasht.

January 7

The fort
breached
and taker;

248

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

a. n. 15H). the greatest courage and energy, and justified their right to the character and fame c
valour. As the men of Bajour were rebels, rebels to the followers of Isl&m, and ai
beside their rebellion and hostility, they followed the customs and usages of the inf
dels, while even the name of Islam was extirpated from among them, they were a
put to the sword, and their wives and families made prisoners. Perhaps upwards It has already been remarked, that the Jondol and Bajour rivers join before they fall into the Penj-
kora.

7 A sort of intoxicating confection.

* Peshgram lies north of Mahyar, which is in Mr Elphinstone’s map. Kehraj 1 have not found, but it
may be part of die same valley.

9 A hundred man is a kharwar, at four asar the mem^Leydeu. That is, four seers, or the weight of
four rupees of copper change to a man, or nearly seven pounds weight, which makes the kharwar ab ’
them, for the purpose of examining the banks of the river, both above and below*

After sending on the army towards the river, I myself set off for Sawati, which they
likewise call Karak-Khaneli, to hunt the rhinoceros. We started many rhinoceroses, 1 2 3
but, as the country abounded in brush-wood, we could not get at them. A she rhino-
ceros that had whelps, came out and fled along the plain ; many arrows were shot at
her, but as the wooded ground was near at hand she gained cover. We set fire to the
brush-wood, but the rhinoceros was not to ho found. We got sight of another, that,
having been scorched in the fire, was lamed and unable to run. We killed it, and
every one cut off a bit of it as a trophy of the chase. Leaving Sawati, after a wide
and fatiguing circuit, we reached the camp about bed-time prayers. The party that
had been sent to survey the passage over the river did so, and returned.

Next morning, being Thursday the 17th, we crossed the ford* with our horses, Huber
camels, and baggage ; the camp bazar and the infantry were floated across on rafts. sbiTVi’-”
The sam& day the inhabitants of Nilab :, waited on me, bringing an armed horse and bruary i
value, and tendering their submission. These men 1 sent forward along with Abdal-
Rahim Shagliawal to Bchreh, in order to re-assurc the people of the place ; to tell them
that these countries, from remote times, had belonged to the Turks, and that they
must be on their guard not to permit any commotions, which would inevitably termi-
nate in the plunder and ruin of the country, of its inhabitants, and of the property
and wealth, which for years they had been accumulating.

About “luncheon-time we reached the bottom of the pass, where we halted and sent Ruber
on Kurban Clierkhi and Abdal Maluk Kliosti, with seven or eight others, to recon- nl-hroh.
noitre and bring in intelligence. Mir Muhammed Mehdi Khwajeli, one of the persons
tvho was so sent in advance, brought in one man. At this time some chiefs of the
Afghans came with Peshkeshes and tendered their submission. I sent them on with
Lenger Khan, for the purpose of inspiring the inhabitants of Belireh with confidence.

Having cleared the pass, and emerged from the wooded ground, I formed the army in
regular array, with right and left wing and centre, and marched towards Bchreh.

When we had nearly reached that place, Dewch Hindu, and the son of Scktu, who
were servants of Ali Khan, the son of Doulet Khan Yusef-Khail, accompanied by the
head men of Belireh, met us, bringing each a horse and camel as a Pcshkesh, and
tendered their submission and service. Noon-day prayers were over when we halted
to the east of Behreh, 4 on the banks of the river Bchat, on a green field of grass, with-
out having done the people of Behreh the least injury or damage.

From the time that Taimur Beg had invaded Hindustan, and again left it, these History t
countries of Behreh, Khushab, Chanab, and Chaniut, had remained in the possession fyom^L

of the family of Taimur Beg, and of their dependents and adherents. Sultan Masaud timc of T«.

1 mcrlnne.

1 Fifteen or twenty miles. 2 About five miles.

3 The Kotal or Ilill-pass of Il&mbutu appears to lie in the Salt Range.

* The town of Behreh or Bhira must, at this time, have lain to the norti; of the .7 clam or Bchat. It

is a common name in that tract.

256

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

Mirza, the grandson of Shahrokh Mirza and son of Sifirghnamsh Mirza, 1 was, in those
days, the ruler and chief of Kabul and Zabul, on which account he got the name of
Sultan Masaud Kabuli. After his death, and that of his son Ali Asgher Mirza, some
of the persons whom he had brought forward and patronised, such as the sons of Mir
Ali Beg, Baba Kabuli, Deria Khan, and Apak Khan, who was afterwards called
Ghazi Khan, having a commanding influence, took possession of Kabul, Z&bul, and
those countries of Hindustan which have been mentioned, and usurped the govern-
i.’rtM-w. ment. In the year 910, which was the date of my first coming to Kabul, I passed
through Kheiber arid advanced to Pershawer, with the intention of invading Hindu-
stan ; but, by the persuasion of Baki Cheghaniani, was diverted towards the Lower
Bangash, which is called Kohat, and after having pillaged and ravaged a great part of
Afghanistan, and plundered and laid waste the Dcsht (or low country), I returned by
way of Duki. At that time the government of Bchreh, Khushab, and Chan&b, was
held by Sycd Ali Khan, the son of Ghazi Khan, and grandson of Mir Ali Beg. He
read the Kliutbeh in the name of Iskander Belilul, 2 and was subject to him. Being
alarmed at my inroad, he abandoned the town of Behreh, crossed the river Behat, 3 and
made Shirkot, a place in the district of Behreh, his capital. After a year or two, the
Afghans having conceived suspicions against Syed Ali on my account, he became alarm-
ed at their hostility, and surrendered his country to Doulet Khan Tatar Khan Yfisef-
Khail, who at that time was Ilakim 4 5 of Lahore. Doulet Khan gave Behreh to his
eldest son Ali Khan, by whom it was now held. Tatar Khan, the father of Doulet
Khan, was one of the six or seven chiefs who invaded and conquered Hindustan, and
made Belilul Emperor. This Tatar Khan possessed Sirhend and all the country to
the north of the Satlej. The revenue of these territories was upwards of three krors. 6
After Tatar Khan’s death, Sultan Sekander, the reigning Emperor, had taken these
countries from his family. Two years before my coming to Kabul, the same prince
had given Lahore alone to Doulet Khan.

A. 1 ). l. r )U>. Next morning, I sent out several foraging parties in proper directions, and after-
Kbruary war nw
road, was received into the mercy of God. I was extremely concerned and grieved at
this event. His body was carried to Ghazni, and buried in front of the entrance into
the Sultan’s Mausoleum. Dost Beg was an admirable man. He was rising to the
highest rank in the order of nobility. Before he had reached the rank of Beg, His char:
while attending my court, and attached to my person, he performed several gal- tcr ‘
lant actions. One of these was when Sultan Ahmed Tambol surprised us by night,
within a farsang of Andejan, at the Rehat of Zourak. With only ten or fifteen men,

I stood my ground, charged him, and put his party to flight. By the time I came up
witli the main body of the enemy, where we found him standing with about a hundred
men drawn up, I had only three men left with me, the rest having fallen behind ; so
that we were but four in number. One of the three was Dost N&sir; another Mirza
Kuli Gokultash, the third Kcrimdad. I had on my corslet. Tambol, with another
person, stood in front of his troops, about as far in advance as the outer vestibule of a

1 Near Adinapur. 2 * A geri is 24 minutes.

3 Tewachi, an adjutant or commissary. 4 Sire-pul.

5 The expression sabdkhi occurs very frequently in the sequel. 1 presume that it means a morning

drinking party.

6 Or Gulguneh. 7 Violet Garden*

266

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

house is from the door. I advanced right to Tambol, face to face, and struck him oi
the thelinet with an arrow. I shot another arrow, which pierced his shield and plate
mail. They discharged an arrow at me, which passed close by my neck. 1 Tambol le
fall a heavy sword-blow on my head. It is a singular fact, that, though not a threw
of my cap of mail was injured, yet my head was severely wounded. No one cominj
up to my succour, and finding myself alone, I was obliged to retreat full gallop. Dos
Beg, who was somewhat behind me, interposed himself, and engaged him sword ii
hand, to favour my escape. On another occasion, at Akhsi, when we were rctreatinj
out of that, place, he had a single combat with Baki Khiz ; 2 3 though they called hin
Kliiz (the effeminate), yet ho was a stern and sturdy soldier, and wielded his swori
right powerfully. When I retired from Akhsi, and had only eight persons left witl
me, he was one of them. The enemy, after dismounting other two, at last dismounted
Dost Beg. After he was elevated to the rank of Beg, too, when Siunjek Khan cam*
with the Sultans to Tashkend, and besieged Ahmed Kasim, he broke their ranks, passed
through the middle of their army, and entered the city. He likewise showed grea
self-devotion in defending the place.* 1 Ahmed Kasim, without giving him notice, aban
doned the city and fled. Under these circumstances, he manfully attacked the Khan
and Sultans, forced his way out of Tashkend, broke through the midst of their army
and bravely effected his escape. After this, when Shirim Tagliai and Mazid, witl

A. Jf. «U4. their adherents, were in a state of rebellion, Dost Beg having been detached fron
Ghazni with a party of two or three hundred men on a plundering expedition, tin
Moghuls sent three or four hundred chosen men, to seek him out and chastise him
Dost Beg fell in with this force of the enemy in the neighbourhood of Shirukan, when
he completely beat them, dismounted and took a number of them prisoners, an<
brought hack with him a quantity of heads which he had cut off. At the storm of tin
fort of Bajour, too, Dost Big’s people came up and mounted the ramparts before an]
of the others ; and, at Perhaleh, Dost Beg defeated Hati, put him to flight, and tool
the place. After Dost Beg’s death, I gave his governments to his younger brother.
Miram Nasir.

Aprii a** * On Friday, the 8th of the latter Rebi, I left the fort, and went to the Chehar-Bagh

April 12. On Tuesday the 12th, Sultanim Begum, the eldest daughter of Sultan Mirza, who

during the late occurrences, had been in Khwarizm, where Isan Kuli Sultan, thi
younger brother of Yeli Pate 4 Sultan, had married her daughter, arrived with her ir;
Kabul. I assigned her the Baghe Khilwat for her residence. After 6lie had taken uj
her abode there, I went and waited on them. As I visited them with the same cere-
mony as if they were my elder sisters, I bowed down as a mark of politeness and re-
spect ; they also bowed down. I then went up to them and we embraced each other :
and we always afterwards observed the same usage.

April 17 . On Sunday the 17th, I released from custody that traitor Baba Sheikh, who had

1 It is strange that Baber takes no notice of the wound which on this occasion he received in the thigh.

2 The effeminate.

3 This siege of Tashkend is referred to nowhere else.

4 He is before called Dilbars, which seems to be the correct name.

2

MEMOIRS OF BABER. 26 7

long been in confinement ; forgave his offences, and bestowed on him a dress of ho-
nour.

On Tuesday the 19th, I went out about noon, to make a tour round Kliwajeh Sy&ran. April i
orders, instantly assembled in great numbers, and marched against Hindu Beg in
Behreh. The Zemindars also joined the party of the Afghans ; so that Hindu Beg,
being unable to defend himself in Behreh, retired by Khusliab, passed through the
country of Dinkdt, and proceeding on by Nilab, arrived in Kabul. Deo Hindu, with
the son of Sektu, and some other Hindus, had been brought as prisoners from Behreh.

We now settled with each of them for a certain contribution, on payment of which
these Hindustanis were all presented with horses and dresses of honour, and dismiss-
ed, with liberty to return home.

On Friday the 29tli, I felt some symptoms of an intermittent fever, and got myself April srv
let blood. At that time there was an interval sometimes of two days, sometimes of

1 The adjutant bird

2 L

268

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

A.D. isjo.
May 15.

May 1.

BABAR Nama page 259

situation of Gharjistan, see Mines de 1’ Orient,
vol. I. p. 3521.

2 Baber, in returning to Kabul, pursued a route through the country of thr: Aimaks and Haziiraa, con-
siderably to tbe south of that by which he had advanced to Herat. Chekhchcran lies about N. lat. 34*
lSf, and E. long. 60° 8′.

210

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

( Ttirki .) There is no violence or injury of fortune that I have not experienced ;

This broken heart has endured them all. Alas ! is there one left that I have not encountered ?

For about a week, we continued pressing down the snow, without being able to ad-
vance more than a kos or a kos and a half . 1 * I myself assisted in depressing the snow.
Accompanied by ten or fifteen of my household, and by Kasim Beg, his two sons
Tengeri Berdi and Kember Ali, and two or three of bis servants, we all dismounted,
and worked in beating down the snow. Every step we sank up to the middle or the
breast, but we still went on trampling it down. As the vigour of the person who went
first was generally expended after lie had advanced a few paces, lie stood still, while ano-
ther advanced and took his place. The ten, fifteen, or twenty people who worked in
trampling down the snow, next succeeded in dragging on a horse without a rider. The
first horse sank up to the stirrups and girths, and after advancing tenor fifteen paces,
was worn out. Drawing this horse aside, we brought on another, and in this way ten,
fifteen, or twenty of us trampled down the snow, and contrived to bring forward the
horses of all our iruuher. The rest of the troops, even our best men, and many that
bore the title of Beg, without dismounting, advanced along the road that had been
beaten for them, hanging down their heads. This was no time for plaguing them or
employing authority. Every man who possesses spirit or emulation hastens to such
works of himself. Continuing to advance by a track which we had heat in the snow
in this manner, we proceeded by a place named Anjukan, and in three or four days
it cache* & reached a Kliawal, or cave, called Khawal-koti, at the foot of the Zirrinr pass. That
day the storm of wind was dreadful. The snow fell in such quantities, that we all
expected to meet death together. The men of that hill country call their caves and
hollows Kliawal. When we reached this Kliawal, the storm was terribly violent. We
halted at the mouth of it. The snow was deep, and the patli narrow, so that only one
person could pass at a time. The horses too advanced with difficulty over the road that
had been beaten and trampled down, and the days were at the shortest. The first of the
troops reached this Kliawal while it was yet day-light. About evening and night ‘
prayers, the troops ceased coming in ; after which every man was obliged to dismount
and halt where he happened to he. Many men waited for morning on horseback.
The Kliawal seemed to he small. I took a hoe, and having swept away and cleared
off the snow, made for myself, at the mouth of the cave, a resting-place about the size
of a prayer-carpet . 3 I dug down in the snow as dee}) as my breast, and yet did not
reach the grouiid. This hole afforded me some shelter from the wind, and I sat down
in it. Some desired me to go into the cavern, hut I would not go. I felt, that for me
to he in a warm dwelling, and in comfort, while my men were in the midst of snow
and drift — for me to he within, enjoying sleep and ease, while my followers were in
trouble and distress, would he inconsistent with what I owed them, and a deviation
from that society in suffering that was their due. It was right, that whatever their
sufferings and difficulties were, and whatever they might be obliged to undergo, I

1 Two or three miles.

s The Zirrin pass seems to have lain between Yekc-auleng and Chekhclieran.

3 The Musulmans, particularly travellers, when about to pray, spread out a small carpet, on which
they make their prostrations.

8

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

2 [\

should bo a sharer with them. There is a Persian proverb, that “ Death iu the com-
pany of friends is a feast.” I continued, therefore, to sit in the drift, in the sort of
hole which I had cleared and dug out for myself, till bed-time prayers, when the snow
fell so fast, that, as I had remained all the while sitting crouching down on my feet,

I now found that four inches of snow had settled on my head, lips, and ears. That
night I caught a cold in my ear. About bed-time prayers a party, after having sur-
veyed the cave, reported tliat the Kliawal was very extensive, and was sufficiently
large to receive all our people. As soon as 1 learned this, I shook off the snow that
was on my head and face, and went into the cave. I sent to call iu all such of tin*
people as were at hand. A comfortable place was found within for filly or sixty per-
sons ; such as had any eatables, stewed meat, preserved flesh, or anything else in
readiness, produced them ; and thus we escaped from the terrible cold, and sumv, and
drift, into a wonderfully safe, warm, and comfortable place, where we could refresh
ourselves.

Next morning the snow and tempest ceased. Moving early, we trampled down the Arm. s
snow in the old way, and made a road. We reached the Bala-Dahau. 1 2 As the usual p‘ t |S ^’ n
road, which is called the Zirrin kotal, or hill-pass, leads by an excessively steep ascent,
we did not attempt it, but proceeded by the lower valley road. Before we reached the
Payan Dalian, 1 ’ the day closed on us. We halted in the defiles of the valley. The
cold was dreadful, and we passed that night in great distress and misery. Many lost,
their hands and feet from the frost. Kopek lost Ids feet, Sewenduk Turkoman his
hands, and Akhi his feet, from the cold of that night. Early next morning we moved
down the glen. Although we knew that this was not the usual road, yet, placing our
trust in God, we advanced down the valley, and descended by difficult and precipitous
places. It was evening prayer before we extricated ourselves from the mouth of the
valley. It was not in the memory of the oldest man, that this pass had ever been de-
scended, when there was so much snow on the ground ; iny, it was never known that
anybody even conceived the idea of ]>assing it at such a season. Although for some
days we endured much from the depth of the snow, yet, in the issue, it was this very
circumstance which brought us to our journey’s end. For, if the snow had not been
so deep, how was it possible to have gone, as we did, where there was no road, inarch-
ing over precipices and ravines ? Had it not been for the extreme depth of the snow,
the whole of our horses and camels must have sunk into the first gulph that we met
witli ;

{Persian verse .) — Every good and evil that exists,

If you mark it well, is for a blessing.

It was bed-time prayers when we reached Yeke-Auleng, ami halted. The people h™
of Yeke-Auleng,” who had heard of us as we descended, carried us to their warm ieng ”

1 Upper Daban, or Pass. Perhaps the top of the pass.

2 Lower Daban, or Pass ; or, probably the bottom of the pass.

:i Yeke-Auleng lies about thirty miles south-west from Barman.

2 D

212

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

I’lunrim
the Ha/i-
ra*.

houses, brought out fat sheep for us, a superfluity of hay and grain for our horses,
with abundance of wood and dried dung to kindle us fires. To pass from the cold
and snow, into such a village and its warm houses, on escaping from want and suffer-
ing, to find such plenty of good bread and fat sheep as wc did, is an enjoyment that
can be conceived only by such as have suffered similar hardships, or endured such
heavy distress. We staid one day at Ycke-Auleng to refresh and recruit the spirits
and strength of our men ; after which wc marched on two farsangs , 1 and halted. Next
morning was the Id 2 of the Ramzan. We passed through Bamian, descended by the
kntal, or hill-pass of >Shibcrtu, and halted before reaching Jenglik. The Turkoman
Hazaras had taken up their winter-quarters in the line of my march, with their fami-
lies and property, and had not the smallest intimation of my approach. Next morn-
ing, on our march, we came among their huts, close by their sheep-folds, two or three
of which wc plundered ; whereupon the whole of the Hazaras taking the alarm,
abandoned their huts and property, and fled away to the hills with their children.
Soon afterwards information was brought from the van, that a body of them, having
posted themselves right in our line of march, had stopped our people in a narrow de-
file, were assailing them with arrows, and effectually prevented their advance. Im-
mediately on learning this I hurried forward. On coming up, I found that there really
was properly speaking no strait; but that some Hazaras had posted themselves on a
projecting eminence, where they had gathered together their effects, had taken up a
position, and were making discharges of arrows on our men.

{Turki verse.) They marked the distant blackening of the foe,

And stood panic- struck and confounded ;

I came up and hastened to the spot,

And pressing on, exclaiming, Stand ! Stand !

My aim was to make my troops alert.

To fall briskly upon the foe.

Having brought on my men, I placed myself behind ;

When not a man minded my orders ;

I had neither my coat of mail, nor horse-inail, nor arms,

Except only my bow and arrows.

When I stood still, all my men stood still also,

As if the foe had slain them all.

“ He who hires a servant, hires him for his need.

That he may one day be useful in time of danger,

Not that he should stand still while his lord advances.

That he should stand at ease while his lord bears the burden of the day .

He who is a servant should serve in due season.

Not loiter in thy service, so as not even to be seasoning to thy food*” f
At length I spurred on ray horse and advanced,

* And, driving the foe before me, ascended the hill ;

My men, on seeing me advance, advanced also,

Leaving their terror behind.

1 About eight miles.

2 About the 14th of February 1507. The festival on the termination of the fast of Ramzan.

a That is, if the master furnish the principal part of the entertainment by being the meat , the servant
ought, at least, to be the seasoning , or sauce . If the master bears the brunt of the day, the servant
should lend some assistance.

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

213

Pushing forward, we quickly climbed the hill ;

We went on without heeding their arrows,

Sometimes dismounting, sometimes on horseback.

First of all came on the boldest warriors :

The enemy showered down arrows from above,

But marking our resolution gave way and fled.

We gained the top of the hill, and drove the Hazaras before us,
We skipped over the heights and hollows like deer ;

We cut off the heads of the slain like deer ;

We plundered them, we divided their property and sheep ;

We slew the Turkoman Hazaras,

And made captives of their men and women ;

Those who were far off too we followed and made prisoners :
We took their wives and their children.

The purport of these verses is, that when the llazaras stopped the van, on its route,
our men were all rather perplexed, and halted. In this situation l came up singly.
Having called out to the men who were fleeing, 66 Stand ! Stand !” I attempted to en-
courage them. Not one of them would listen to me, or advance upon the enemy, hut
they stood scattered about in different places. Although 1 had not put on my helmet,
my horse’s mail, or my armour, and had only my bow and quiver, 1 called out that
servants were kept that they might be serviceable, and, in time of need, prove their
loyalty to their master; not for the purpose of looking on while their master marched
up against the foe : after which I spurred on my horse. When my men saw me making
for the enemy, they followed. On reaching the hill which the Hazaras occupied, mu-
troops instantly climbed it, and, without minding the arrows which poured down on
them, made their way up, partly on horseback, partly on foot. As soon as the enemy
saw that our men were in real earnest, they did not venture to stand their ground, hut
took to flight. Our people pursued them up the hills, hunting them like deer or game.
Such property or effects as our troops could lay hold of, they brought in with them,
and made the families and children of the enemy prisoners. We also gathered in some of
their sheep, which we gave in charge to Yarek Tagliai, while we proceeded forward. We
traversed the heights and eminences of the hill-country, driving off* the horses and
sheep of the Hazaras, and brought them to Lenger-TaimuivBeg, where we encamped.
Fourteen or fifteen of the most noted insurgents and robber chiefs of the Hazaras
had fallen into our hands. It was my intention to have put them to death with
torture at our halting-ground, as an example and terror to all rebels and robbers ; but
Kasim Beg happening to meet them, was filled with unseasonable commiseration, and
let them go ;

To do good to the bad is the same thing
As to do evil to the good :

Salt ground does not produce spikenard ; —
Do not throw away good seed on it. 1

The same pity was extended to the other prisoners, who were all set at liberty.

1 From the Gulistan of fc’adi.

214

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

Detection of While we were plundering the Turkoman Hazaras, information readied us that
Hussa?i med Muhammed Hussain Mirza Doglilet, and Sultan Senjer Birlas, having drawn over to
Mirk their interests the body of Mogliuls who had staid behind in Kabul, had dedared Khan
Khan Mir- Mirza king , 1 were now besieging Kabul, and had spread a report that Badia-ez-zeman
ohiimpH Mirza and Mozeffer Mirza had seized the king, and carried him away to the fort of

fcins Ekhtiar-cd-din at Heri, which is now known by the name of Aleh-kurghan . 2 The

chief persons in the fort of Kabul were Mulla Babai Bcshaghcri, Khalifeh, Moliib Ali
Kdrchi, Ahmed Yusef, and Ahmed Kasim. These officers had all conducted them-
selves well, had put the fort into a strong state of defence, and done everything to
guard it. At Lenger-Taiinur-Beg I wrote an intimation of my having arrived in this
quarter, and sent it to the nobles who were in Kabul, by Muhammed Andejaui, one
]Jiit>cr\ of Kasim Beg’s servants. I arranged with them that I was to descend by the Straits

surprisin’- ^hurbcud, and to inarch on and take the enemy by surprise. The signal of my

thcrchds coming was to be, that I was to kindle a blazing fire after passing Minar hill; and

1 ” I enjoined them, on their side, to make; a large fire in the Citadel, on the top of the

Old Kiosk, which is now the Treasury, in order that we might be sure that they were
aware of our approach ; and while we assailed the enemy from without, they were to
sally out from within, and to leave nothing undone to rout the besiegers. Such were
the instructions which I dispatched Muhammed Andejaui to communicate.

Next morning, we left Longer, and halted opposite to Ushter-sheher. Mounting
again before day, we descended the Pass of Chur bend towards night, and baited near
Sir-e-pul . 3 Having refreshed our horses, and bathed them, we left Sir-e-pfil at noon-
day prayers. Till we reached Tutkfiwel there was no snow. After passing that place,
the farther we went the snow was the deeper. Bet ween the village of Noli 4 and Minar
the cold was so excessive, that, in the whole course of my life, I have seldom experi-
enced the like. I sent Ahmedi Ycsawel, along with Kara Ahmed Yurchi, to the Begs
in Kabul, to let them know that we had come according to our engagement, and to
require them to be on the alert, and bold. After surmounting the hill of Minar, we
descended to the skirts of the hill, and, being rendered quite powerless from the frost,
kindled fires and warmed ourselves. This was not the place where we were to kindle
our fires, but, being unable to stand tlie cold, we were obliged to kindle them to warm
ourselves. The morning was near when we set out from the skirts of the hill of Minar.
Between Kabul and Minar the snow reached up to the horses’ thighs. Every place
was covered with snow, so that such of our people as deviated from the road were
exposed to mischief. This whole distance we passed, sinking and rising again in the
snow. In this way we reached Kabul undiscovered, by tlie appointed time. Before
we arrived at Bibi Mali-rul, we saw a fire blazing in the Citadel. We then knew that

J Khan Mirza was Sultan Weis Mirza, tlie youngest son of Haber’s uncle, Sultan Mahmud Mirza of
Hissar, by a half sister of Baber’s mother, and consequently his cousin. Muhammed Hussain Mirza
Doghlet had married another sister of Baber’s mother, and had been governor of Uratippa, whence he
” had been expelled by Sheibani Khan.

2 Eagle Castle. It was an extremely strong castle on the north of Herat, and much used as a state-
prison. It is pretended that Shuhrokh Mirza employed no less than seven hundred thousand men in re-
building it.

3 Bridgend, a common name in these countries* 4 The Persian has Yekhshi.

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

215

they were prepared. When we came to Syed Kasim’s Bridge, I sent Sliirim Taghai,
with the right wing, towards Mulla Baba’s Bridge. With the centre and left wing, I
advanced by way of Baba Lfdi ; at that time, where the Bagh-e-Kalifeh now is, there
was a small garden and house, which IT] ugh Beg Mirza had made to serve as a Longer. 1 2
Although its trees and wood were gone, yet its inclosurc was still left. Khan Mirza Hr .mail,
had his quarters there. Hussain Mirza was in the Bagh-e-Behisht,* which had been
made by Ulugh Beg Mirza. We had got to the Imrving-ground near Mulla Balm’s
garden, when they brought hack to me, wounded and unhorsed, a party that, had
pushed on in advance. This party, which had preceded us and had entered Khan
Mirza’s house, was four in number, Syed Kasim Ishik-agha, Kember Ali Beg, Shir
Kuli Kerawel Moghul, and Sultan Ahmed Moghul, who was one of Shir Kfili Mo-
ghul’s followers ; these four persons, as soon as they came up, without halting, entered
the palace where Mirza Khan lived. All was instantly in uproar and alarm. Khan
Mirza mounted on horseback, galloped off, and escaped. Muhammed Hussain Kor- M Mi
begi’s younger brother, also in the service of Klian Mirza, attacked Shir Kuli Moghul. ‘ vv, i’ r
one of the four, sword in hand, and threw him down ; but Shir Kfili contrived to escape
while his opponent was endeavouring to cut off’ his head. These four persons, still
smarting from their sabre and arrow wounds, were brought to me as 1 have mention-
ed. The alley was narrow, and our horsemen crowded into it, so that a confusion and
bustle ensued. Some of the enemy also collected, and though much crowded, made a
stand. Our people could not get forward, and could not get hack. I desired sonic
men who were near me to dismount and push on. Dost IS Asir, KhvvAjeh Muhammed
Ali Kitabdar, Baba Shir-zfid, Shah Malunud, and a few others, having accordingly
dismounted, advanced and assailed the enemy with their arrows. The enemy were
shaken and took to flight. We waited a long time for the coming of our people from
the fort, but they did not arrive in time for action. After the enemy were defeated,
they began to drop in by ones and twos. Before wc reached the Charbagh, in which
Khan Mirza’s quarters had been, Aliraed Yosef and Syed Yusef joined me from the
fort, and we entered the garden that lie had left. On finding that Khan Mirza had
escaped, we instantly left it. Ahmed Yusef was behind me, when, at the gate of the
Charbagh, as I was coming out, Dost Sirpuli Piadcli, a man to whom I had shown
particular marks of favour in Kabul, on account of his valour, and whom I had left in « >
the office of Kotwal, 3 advanced with a naked sword in liis hand, and made at me. I 1 ,| , M
had on my stuffed waistcoat, 4 but had not put on my plat e-mail. J had also omitted
to put on my helmet. Although I called out to him, “ Ho, Dost ! IIo, Dost !” and
spoke to him; and though Ahmed Yusef also called out ; whether it was that the cold
and snow had affected him, or whether he was hurried away by a confusion of ideas
arising from the bustle of fight, he did not know me, and, without stopping, let fall a

1 A Lenger is a house, in which Kalenders, or the religious devotees of the Muhammedans, live in, a
sort of collegiate state. A Caravansera is generally connected with it, and is often the only part remain-
ing of the establishment.

2 Garden of Heaven. 3 The Kotwal is a Superintendant of Police.

4 The jibeh is a sort of waistcoat quilted with cotton. The gherbiche or plate-mail, are four plates of

iron or other metal, made to cover the back, front, and sides.

216

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

blow on my bare arm. The grace of God was conspicuous ; it did not hurt a single
hair ;

However the sword of man may strike,

It injures not a single vein, without the will of God.

I had repeated a prayer, by virtue of which it was that Almighty God averted my
danger, and removed from me the risk to which I was exposed. It was as follows : —
Hi? pr»vcr. {Arabic) — “ O my God! Thou art my Creator; except Thee there is no. God. On
Thee do I repose my trust ; Thou art the Lord of the mighty throne. What God wills
comes to pass ; and what He does not will, comes not come to pass ; and there is no
power nor strength but through the High and Exalted God ; and, of a truth, in all things
God is Almighty ; and verily He comprehends all things by his knowledge, and has
taken account of everything. O my Creator ! as I sincerely trust in Thee, do Thou
seize by the forelock all evil proceeding from within myself, and all evil coming from
without, and all evil proceeding from every man who can be the occasion of evil, and
all such evil as can proceed from, any living tiling, and remove them far from me ;
since, of a truth, thou art the Lord of the exalted throne !”

Ht: attempts Proceeding thence, I went to the Bagh-e-Behisht, where Muliammed Hussain Mirza
Muliannnul resided ; but he had fled, and had escaped and hid himself. In a breach in the wall of
Juss* 1 *., the Baghcheh (or Little Garden), in which Muliammed Hussain Mirza had resided,
seven or eight archers kept their post. I galloped and spurred my horse at them ;
they durst not stand, but ran off. I came up with one of them, and cut him down,
lie went spinning off in such a way, that I imagined his head had been severed from
his body, and passed on. The person whom I had hit was Tulik Gokultash, the foster
brother of Khan Mirza; I struck him on the arm. Just as I had reached the door of
Muliammed Hussain Mirza’s house, there was a Moghul sitting on the terrace, who
had been in my service, and I recognised him. He fitted an arrow to his bow, and
aimed at me. A cry rose on all sides, “ That is the King !” lie turned from his aim,
discharged the arrow, and ran off. As the time for shooting was gone by, and as the
Mirza and his officers had fled away or were prisoners, wliat purpose was to be an-
swered by his shooting ? While 1 was at this palace, Sultan Senjer Birlas, whom I
had distinguished by favours, and to whom 1 had given the Tuman of Nangenhar, but
who had nevertheless engaged in this rebellion, was taken, and dragged before me with
a rope about his neck. Being in great agitation, he called out, “ What fault have I
done ?” “ Is there a greater crime than for a man of note like you to associate and

conspire with insurgents and rebels ?” As Shah Begum, 1 the mother of my maternal
uncle the Khan, was his sister’s daughter, I ordered them not to drag fiim in this
shameful way along the ground, but spared his life, and did him no more harm.

Leaving this place, I directed Ahmed Kasim Kuhber, who was one of the chiefs that
had been in the fort, to pursue Khan Mirza with a body of troops. Close by the

1 Shah Begum was one of the wives of Yunis Khan, the maternal grandfather of Baber, and was the
mother of Sultan Nigur-Khanum, who was Khan Mirza’s mother. It is to be observed, that Khanum
and Khaniin are used indiscriminately in all the copies.

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

SIT

Bagh-e-Behislit, 1 Shah Begum aud the Khanim 2 3 dwelt, in palaces which they had
themselves erected. On leaving the palace, I went to visit Shah Beguin and the

n ” visits tn
traffic, had not time to escape, as our soldiers came upon them quite unexpectedly. KiiiU ‘

The general opinion was, that, at a period of confusion like the present, it was fair to
plunder all such as came from a foreign country. I would not acquiesce in this. 1
asked, “ What offence have these merchants committed ? If, for the love of God, we
suffer these trifling things to escape, God will one day give us great and important
benefits in return ; as happened to us not very long ago, when we were on our expe-
dition against the Gliil jis ; the Mehmends, with their flocks, their whole effects, wives,
and families, were within a single farsang of the army. Many urged us to fall upon
them. From the same considerations that influence me now, I combated that pro-
posal, and the very next morning Almighty God, from the property of the refractory
Afghans, the Ghiljis, bestowed on the army so much spoil as had never perhaps been
taken in any other inroad.” We encamped after passing Kilat, and merely levied
something from each merchant by way of Peslikesh.

After passing Kilat, I was joined by Khan Mirza, whom I had suffered to retire into h met hy
Khorasan after his revolt in Kabul, and by Abdal Rizak Mirza, 2 who had staid behind ^ hftn Mir
in Khorasan when I left it. They had just escaped from Kandahar. The mother of
the Pir Muhamined Mirza, who was the grandson of Beliar Mirza, and the son of Je-
hangir Mirza, accompanied these Mirzas, and waited on me.

I now sent letters to Shah Beg and Mokim, informing them that I had advanced Shah Beg
thus far in compliance with their wishes ; that, as a foreign enemy like the Uzbeks ^

bad occupied Khorasan, it was necessary, in conjunction with them, to concert such “y rrt , n ov.it r
cise them in the best manner. Perhaps on no other occasion had I my troops in such ot
perfect discipline. All my household dependents 1 2 3 who could be serviceable, were di-
vided into bodies of tens and fifties, and I had appointed proper officers for each body,
and had assigned to each its proper station on the right or left, so that they were all
trained and perfectly informed of what they were to do ; and had orders to be on the
alert, and active, during the fight. The right and left wings,- the right and left divi-
sions, the right and left flanks, were to charge on horseback, and were drawn up ami
instructed to act of themselves, without the necessity of directions from the Tewachis ; 1
and in general the whole troops knew their proper stations, and were trained to attack
those to whom they were opposed. Although the terms Beranghar, Ung-Ku), IJngyan,
and Ung, have all the same meaning, yet for the sake of distinctness, I gave the dif-
ferent words different senses. As the right and left are called Beranghar and Jewang-
har 4 (Meimeneh and Myesereli), and are not included in the centre, which they call
Ghul, the right and left do not belong to the Ghul : in this instance, therefore, I .
called these separate bodies by the distinctive names of Beranghar and Jewanghar.

Again, as the Ghul or centre is a distinct body, I called its right and left by way of
distinction, Ung-kfil and Sfd-kul. The right and left of that part of the Centre where
my immediate dependents were placed, I called ITngian and Sulian. The right and
left of my own household troops, who were close at hand, I called Ung and Sul. In
the Beranghar or right wing, were Mirza Khan, Shirim Taghai, Yarek Taghai, with
his brother, Jclmeh Moghul, Ayub Beg, Muhammcd Beg, Ibrahim Beg, Ali Syed
Moghul, with the Moghuls, Sultan Ali Chehreh, Kliodai Bakhsli, and his brothers.

In the Jewanghar or left wing, were Abdal Rizak Mirza, Kasim Beg, Tengri Berdi,
Kember Ali Ahmed Elchi, Buglieh Ghuri Birl&s, Syed Hussain Akber, Mir Shah
Kochin Irawel , 5 6 Nasir Mirza, Syed Kasim the Ishik-agha (or Chamberlain), Mohib.

Ali Korchi, Papa Ughli, Alla Weiran Turkoman, Shir Kfili Kerawel Moghul, with
his brothers, and Ali Muhammed: In the Ghfil or centre on my right hand, Kasim
Gokultash, Khosrou Gokultash, Sultan Muhammed Duldai, Shah Mahmud Perwanchi
(the Secretary), Kul Baiezid Bekawel (the Taster), Kcmal Sherbetji (the Cup-bearer).

1 The Tabtnek Khaseh, are the troops that belong immediately to the prince, and who are not the re-
tainers or dependents of any of the Begs or Chiefs.

2 Beranghar and Jewanghar ; — the other terms are explained below.

3 The Tewachis were a sort of adjutants, who attended to the order of the troops, and carried orders
from the general.

4 The meaning of these words, by some oversight, is reversed in Richardson’s Dictionary (London,

1806), probably in consequence pf the loose and rather awkward explanation given by Men inski, under
Jewdnghdr va Beranghar , nomina puto, says he, ficta aut Scythica.

6 The Irawel and Kerawel, as has been already remarked, were the men of the advanced guard or
picquet.

2 F

228

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

On my left, Khwajeh Muhammed, Ali Dost, N&sir Miram, Nasir Baba Sliirzad, Jan
Kfili, Wali Kbizanchi (the Treasurer), Kuttek Kadam Kerawel, Maksud, Suchi , 1 and
Baba Sheikh ; besides these, all my own immediate servants and adherents were in the
centre ; there was no Beg or man of high rank in it ; for none of those whom I have
mentioned had yet attained the rank of Beg. With the party which was ordered to
be in advance, were Shir Beg, Janim Korbegi, Kepek Kuli, Baba Abul-IJassan Korchi ;
of the Urus Moghuls Ali Syed Derwish, Ali Syed Khush-Geldi, Chilmeh Dost Geldi,
Jilmeh Yaghenchi, Damaji Melidi ; of the Turkomans Mansur and Rustam, with his
brothers, and Shah Nazer Sewenduk.

rder of The enemy were divided into two bodies. One of them was commanded by Shah
®kujaa Arghun, who is known by the name of Shah Beg, and shall hereafter be called
Shah Beg ; the other by his younger brother Moklra. From the appearance of the
Arghiins, they looked about six or seven thousand in number. There is no dispute
that there were four or five thousand men in armour with them. lie himself was op-
posed to my right wing and centre, while Mokim was opposed to the left wing. Mo-
klm’s division was much smaller than his elder brother’s. He made a violent attack
on my left wing, where Kasim Beg was stationed with his division. During the fight,
t wo or three messages came to me from Kasim Beg, to ask succour ; but as t^e enemy
opposed to me were also in great force, I was unable to detach any men to his assist-

i hi- kittle, ance. We advanced without loss of time towards the enemy. When within bow-
shot, they suddenly charged, put my advance into confusion, and forced them to fall
back on the main-body, which, having ceased shooting, marched on to meet them ; they
on their part also gave over shooting, halted, and stood still a while. A person who
was over against me, after calling out to his men, dismounted and deliberately aimed
an arrow at me. I galloped up instantly to jncet him ; when I came near him, how-
ever, he did not venture to stand, but mounted his horse and returned back. This
man who had so dismounted was Shah Beg himself. During the battle, Piri Beg
Turkoman, with four or five of his brothers, taking their turbans in their hands , 2 left
the enemy and came over to us. This Piri Beg was one of those Turkomans who,
when Shah Ismael vanquished the Bayender Sultans, and conquered the kingdoms of
Irak, had accompanied Abdal Baki Mirza, Murad Beg Bayender, and the Turkoman
Begs, in their flight. My right wing continued to advance towards the enemy. Its
farther extremity made its way forward with difficulty, sinking in the soft ground close
by the place where I have since made a garden. My left wing proceeded a good deal
lower down than Baba Hussan Abdal, by the larger river and its streams and channels.
Mokim, with his dependents and adherents, was opposed to my left wing, which was
very inconsiderable in number, compared with the force under his command. Al-
mighty God, however, directed everything to a happy issue. Three or four of the
large streams which flow to Kandah&r and its villages were between the enemy and
my left. My people had seized the fords and obstructed the passage of the enemy, and
in spite of the fewness of their numbers, made a gallant fight, and stood firm against
every attack. On the part of the Arghuns, Khilwachi Ter khan engaged in a skir-

1 Probably Butler.

This was equivalent to an offer of submission.

MEMOIRS OF BABER-

229

mish with Kember Ali and Tengeri Berdi in the water. Kember AH was wounded ;

Kasim Beg was struck with an arrow in the forehead ; Ghuri Birlas was wounded
above the eyebrows by an arrow, which came out by the upper part of his cheek. At Baber vie-
that very crisis I put the enemy to flight, and passed the streams towards the project-
ing face of the hill of Murghan. While we were passing the streams, a person mount-
ed on a white charger appeared on the skirt of the hill, going backwards and forwards,
apparently in dismay and irresolute, as if uncertain which way to take ; at hist he set
off in a particular direction. It looked very like Shah Beg, and was probably himself.

No sooner was the enemy routed than all our troops set out to pursue them and make
prisoners. I* here might perhaps be eleven persons left witli me. One of these was
Abdalla Kitabd&r (the Librarian). Mokim was still standing his ground and lighting.

Without regarding the smallness of my numbers, and relying on the providence of
God, I beat the kettle-drum and marched towards the enemy.

(7 r urki .) — God is the giver of little and of much ;

In his court none other has power.

(Aralric.) — Often, at the command of God, the smaller army has routed the greater.

On hearing the sound of my kettle-drum, and seeing my approach, their resolution
failed, and they took to flight. God prospered us. Having put the enemy to flight, 1
advanced in the direction of Kandah&r, and took up my quarters at the Char-bagh of
Furekhzad, of which not a vestige now remains. Shall Beg and Mokim not being
able to regtun the fort of Kandahar in tlieir flight, the former went off for Shal and
Mastang, 1 and the latter for Zemin-Dawer, without leaving anybody in the castle able
to hold it out. The brothers of Ahmed Ali Terkhan, Kuli Beg Argliun, and a num-
ber of others, with whose attachment and regard to me I was well acquainted, were in
the fort. A verbal communication taking place, they asked the life of their brothers, Kandahar
and out of favourable consideration towards them, I granted their request. They Hurrcnders ‘
opened the Mashur-gate of the fort. From a dread of the excesses which might be
committed by our troops, the others were not opened. Shirim Beg and Yarek Beg
were appointed to guard the gate that was thrown open. I myself entered with a few
of my personal attendants, and ordered one or two marauders whom I met to be put
to death by the Atku and Tikeh. 2 I first went to Mokim’s treasury ; it was in the
walled town. Abdal Rizak Mirza had reached it before me and alighted. I gave
Abdal Rizak Mirza a present from the valuables in the treasury, placed Dost Nftsir
Beg and Kul Bayezid Bekawul in charge of it, and appointed Muliammed Baklishi as
paymaster. 3 Proceeding thence, I went to the citadel, where I placed Khwajch Mu-
hammed Ali and Shall Mahmud in charge of Sliali Beg’s treasury. I appointed Ta-

1 Shal and Mastang lie upwards of two degrees south of Kandah&r, on the borders of Belucliistan.
Zemin-Dawer lies west of the Helmend, below the Hazara hilis.

2 In this punishment the head of the criminal is fixed between two pieces of wood, and a very heavy
log or plank of several hundred weight, raised by placing a weight on one nd of it. This weight being
removed, the heavy end falls down and dashes out the criminal’s brains.

3 Bakhshi.

230

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

gimi Shall to be paymaster. I sent Miram Nasir and Maksud Suchi to the house of
Mir Jan, who was Ziilniin Beg’s Dlwan (or chief minister of revenue) ; Nasir Mirza
had the squeezing of him. Sheikh Abusaid Tcrkhan was given to Mirza Khan to be
laid under contribution. ****** i wag given to Abdal Rizak Mirza to try what he
could extort from him. Such a quantity of silver was never seen before in these coun-
tries ; indeed no one was known ever to have seen so much money. That night we
staid in the citadel. Sambal, a slave of Shall Beg’s, was taken and brought in. Al-
though at that time he was only in the private confidence of Shall Beg, and did not
hold any conspicuous rank, I gave him in custody to one of my people, who not
guarding him properly, Sambol effected his escape. Next morning I went to the Gar-
kamlubar den of Ferukhzad, where the army lay. I gave the kingdom of Kandahar to Nasir
Mirza. After the treasure was secured, when they had loaded it on the beasts of bur-
JVlirxa den, and were carrying it from the treasury that was within the citadel, Nasir Mirza
took away a string of (seven) mules laden with silver; I did not ask them back again,
but made him a present of them.

latent of Marching thence, we halted in the Auleng (or meadow) of Kosh-Khaneh . 2 3 I sent
tin- spoil, forward the army, while I myself took a circuit, and arrived rather late at the camp.

It was no longer the same camp, and I did not, know it again. There were Tipchak
horses, strings of long-haired male and female camels, and mules laden with silk-cloth
and fine linen ; long-haired female camels bearing portmanteaus, tents, and awnings
of velvet and purpet ; in every house, chests, containing hundreds of mans ‘ 1 of the
property and effects of the two brothers, were carefully arranged and packed as in a
treasury. In every storehouse were trunks upon trunks, and bales upon bales of cloth,
and other effects, heaped on eacli other ; cloak-bags on cloak-bags, and pots upon pots,
filled with silver money. In every man’s dwelling and tent there was a superfluity of
spoil. There were likewise many sheep ; but they were little valued. To Kasim Beg
I gave up the garrison that was in Kilat, who were servants of Mokim, and command-
ed by Kueli Arghun and Taj-ed-din Mahmud, together with all their property and
effects. Kasim Beg, who was a man of judgment and foresight, strongly urged me not
to prolong iny stay in the territory of Kandahar, and it was his urgency that made me
commence my march back. Kandahar, as has been said, I bestowed on Nasir Mirza ;
and, on his taking leave of me, I set out for Kabul. While we staid in the Kandahar
territory, we had not time to divide the treasure. On reaching Kara Bagli, we found
leisure to make the division. It being difficult to count the money, we used scales to
weigh and divide it. The Begs, officers, servants, and household, carried off on their
animals whole klierwars 4 and bags of silver money, with which they loaded them as
with forage ; and we reached Kabul with much wealth and plunder, and great repu-
tation.

1 The name does not appear in any of the MSS. Perhaps Baber, when writing, had forgotten it.

* There is a Ghftch Khaneh a mile and a half south of Kandahar, inclining west. It is probably a
corruption of the name here mentioned.

3 The Tabriz man is nearly seven English pounds.

4 The lvlierwar is nearly seven hundred pounds weight, being a hundred Tabriz mans.

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

231

On my arrival at this period, I married Maasumeli Sultan Begum, the daughter of lVibvr tviar-
Sultan Ahmed Mirza, whom I liad invited from Kliorasan.

Six or seven days afterwards, I learned by N&sir Mirza’ s servants, that Sheib&k Khan shdbak
liad arrived, and was blockading Kandahar. It has already been mentioned, that Mo-
kim had fled towards Zemin-Dawer. He went thence, and waited on Sheibak Khan, dnhar.
Shah Beg had also sent persons one after another, to invite him to their assistance;
and Sheibak Khan had in consequence advanced from Heri by the hill -country, in
hopes of taking me by surprise in Kandahar, and had posted on the whole way by
forced marches for that purpose. It was a foresight of the possibility of this very oc-
currence, that had induced Kasim Beg, who was a man of judgment, to urge with so
much earnestness my departure from Kandahar ;

{Persian.) What the young man secs in a mirror,

The sage can discern in a baked brick.

On his arrival he besieged Nasir Mirza in Kandahar.

When this intelligence reached me, I sent for my Begs, and held a council. It was Haber in
observed, that foreign bands and old enemies, as were the Uzbeks and Sheibak Khan, tll,irmu *
had occupied the countries so long under the dominion of the family of Taimur Beg?
that of the Turks and Jaghatai, who were still left on various sides, and in different,
quarters, some from attachment, and others from dread, had joined the Uzbeks; that
I was left alone in Kabul; that the enemy was very powerful, and I very weak ; that
I had neither the means of making peace, nor ability to maintain the war with them ;
that, in these difficult circumstances, it was necessary for us to think of some place in
which we might be secure, and, as matters stood, the more remote from so powerful lksiiau-
an enemy the better ; that it was advisable to make an attempt either on the side of ^Viiarri! ‘
Badakhslian, or of Hindustan, one; of which two places must be pitched upon as tlie
object of our expedition. Kasim Beg and Shi rim Beg, with their adherents, were for
our proceeding against Badakhslian. At that time, the chief persons who still held up
their heads in Badakhslian in any force, were Mobarck Shall and Zobeir. Jehangir
Turkoman and Muhammed Korchi, who had driven Nasir Mirza out of that country,
liad never been reduced to submission by the Uzbeks, and were likewise in some force.

I and a number of my chief Amirs and firmest adherents, on the other hand, having
preferred the plan of attacking Hindustan, 1 set out in that direction, and advanced
by way of Lemglian. After the conquest of Kandahar, I had bestowed Kilat, and the
country of Ternek, 1 on Abdal Rizak Mipza, who had accordingly been left in Kilaf.

When the Uzbeks came and besieged Kandahar, Abdal Rizak Mirza, not finding him-
self in a situation to maintain Kil&t, abandoned it, and rejoined me. He arrived just
when I was setting out from Kabul, and I left him in that place.

As there tvas no king, and none of royal blood in Badakhslian, Khan Mirza, at the Khan.Mii/*
instigation of Shah Begum, 2 or in consequence of an understanding with her, showed a >r

si tar..

1 The country of Ternek lies on the river of that name, which runs from Makar towards Kandahar.

2 Shah Begum was the daughter of Shah Sultan Muhammed, king of Badakhslian, and the widow of
Yunis Khan, Baber’s maternal grandfather. She w*as the mother of Sultan Nigar Khanutn, whose son
Khan Mirza was, by Sultan Mahmud Mirza of Hissar. Shah Begum was therefore the young prince’s
grandmother, and he probably relied for success on the interest of her family in Badnkhsh&n.

232

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

desire to try his fortunes in that quarter. I accordingly gave him leave. Shah Begun
accompanied Khan Mirza ; my mother’s sister, Mehr Nig&r-Kh&num , 1 also took a fane]
to go into Badakhsh&u. It would have been better, and more becoming, for her tes were putting round tlieir necks, for the pur-
pose of hanging them, when Kasim Beg sent Khalifeh to me, earnestly to entreat for-
giveness for their offences. To gratify the Beg, I gave up the capital part of their
punishment, and ordered them to be cast into prison.

The Hissaris and Kundezis, and the Moghuls of superior rank, who had been in
Rhosrou Shah’s service, among whom were Chilmeh Ali, Syed Shekmeh, Shir Kuli,
Iku Salim, and others, who had been promoted and patronised by him ; certain of the
Jaghatai, such as Sultan Ali Chehrch, Khodai Bakhsh, with their dependents ; some
of the Sewcnduk Turkomans, Shah Nazer, with his adherents, amounting in all to
two or three thousand good soldiers, at this very time, having consulted and conspired
together, had come to a resolution to revolt. Those whom 1 have mentioned lay near
Khwajeh Riwaj, stretching from the valley of Sung-Kurghan to the valley of Chalak. 6
Abdal Rizak Mirza having come from Nangcnhar, took up his quarters in Deh- Afghan.
Mohib Ali Korchi had once or twice communicated to Khalifeh and Miilla Baba some

1 March 6, 1508.

2 The king victorious in might.

3 The year of the Hejira 914 commenced on the 2d of May 1508.

4 North of Kabul.

‘ This is the first notice taken of Jchangir’s death. He seems to have died soon after the expedition
into Khorasan, Khafi Khan says of a dysentery, va azare-mui ; or, according to Ferishta, of hard
drinking.

fi These places lie close by Kabul. Khwajeh llawask is in Butkhah, two or three miles south of
Kabul.

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

235

intimations of this conspiracy and assembling ; and I myself had received some hints
of its existence. I had reckoned the surmises not entitled to credit, and paid them no
kind of attention. I was sitting one night at the Char-bagh, in the presence-chamber,
after bed-time prayers, when Mftsa Khw&jeh and another person came hurriedly close
up to me, and whispered me that the Moghuls had, beyond a doubt, formed treacher-
ous designs. I could not be prevailed upon to believe that they had drawn Abdal Ri-
zak Mirza into their projects ; and still less could I credit that their treasonable inten-
tions were to be executed that very night. I therefore did not give that attention to
the information that I ought, and a moment after I set out for the Ilaram. At that
time the females of my family were in the Bagh-e-Khilwat, and in the Bagh-e-Tur-
va-tokhfeh. When I came near the Haram, all my followers, of every rank and de-
scription, and even my night-guards, 1 went away. After their departure, Fwent on
to the city, attended only by my own people and the royal slaves. I had reached the
Ditch at the Iron Gate, when Khwajeh Muhammed Ali, who had just come that way
from the market-place, met me, and

[The events of this year conclude abruptly in the 6ame manner in all the copies.]
1 The Yatieh are the persons who watch by night at the prince’s door.

SUPPLEMENT,*

Revolt of
the Mf«-
$liuk

(ieneral
detection
of Baber’s
troops.

CONTAINING

AN ABRIDGED ACCOUNT OF BABER’S TRANSACTIONS,

FROM THE BEGINNING OF A. H. 9H TO THE BEGINNING OF A. H. 925. 1 *

The Memoirs of Baber are once more interrupted at a very important crisis, and
we are again left to glean, from various quarters, an imperfect account of the transac-
tions that ensued. It is probable that Kliwajeh Muhammcd Ali, who had just passed
through the market-place, informed Baber that he had seen a gathering of Moghuls,
and that measures were taking to seize his person. This at least is certain, that Ba-
ber escaped the impending danger, and regained his camp. The Moghuls who had
been in Khosrou Shah’s service, were the most active agents in this conspiracy. They
do not appear ever to have co-operated heartily with Baber, who always speaks of
them and their race with strong marks of dislike and resentment.* They had com-
bined with the other men of influence mentioned in the Memoirs, and had agreed not
only to raise Abdal Rizak Mirza to the throne of Kabul and Ghazni, which had been
held by his father, Ulugh Beg Mirza, Baber’s uncle, but also to put him in possession
of Badakhsban, Kundez, and Khutlau, and all the territories which had formerly been
held by Khosrou Shah. Such were the effects produced in Baber’s army by this sudden
defection of so many men of eminence, of different nations and tribes, that next morn-
ing he could not muster in his whole camp more than five hundred horse. Great,
numbers of liis followers and soldiers had hastily retired to Kabul, under pretence of
taking care of their families . 3

1 From A.D. IMS to the beginning of January A.D. 1519.

* Under these circumstances, it may seem one of the strangest caprices of fortune, that the empire
which he founded in India should have been called, both in the country and by foreigners, the empire of
the Moghuls, thus taking its name from a race that he detested. This arose not so much from his
being a descendant of Chcngis Khan, as from his being a foreigner from the north ; and from the age of
Chengis Khan downwards, all Tartars and Persians, in the loose colloquial language of India, seem to
have been denominated Moghuls.

‘. khw.
as Baber has himself mentioned. His grandmother, Shah Begum, was the daughter
of Shah Sultan Muhammed, the King of Badakhslian ; so that the Mirza had probably
some hereditary connexions in the country. His outset was not prosperous. His
grandmother and Meher Nigar-Khanum, his aunt, who followed in the rear of his
army, were carried off by Mirza Ababeker Kashghari ; and Khan Mirza himself was
defeated and obliged to surrender to Zoblr, who detained him in custody. Finally,
however, Yusef Ali, who had formerly been in the Mirza’s service, formed a conspi-
racy against Zoblr, whom he assassinated ; when Khan Mirza was raised to the undis-
turbed possession of the throne of Badakshan, which he held till his death.

1 Perhaps rather Sifitdni, as in Ferishta.

8 Khan Mirza was, as has been mentioned, the son of Sultan Mahmud Mirza, the king of Ilissar,

Khutlan, and Badakhslian, and of Sultan Nigar-Klianum, a sister of Baber’s mother. He was conse-
quently Baber’s cousin both by the father and mother’s side. His proper name was Sultan Weis Mirza.

288

SUPPLEMENT TO THE

A.l>. 1510 . In the year 916 of the Hejira, an event occurred, which Baber had no influence in
siicibani° f P ro( ldcing, but which promised the most favourable change on his fortunes. SheibsLni
khan and Khan, after the defeat of Badia-ez-zeman and the sons of Sultan Hussain Mirza, had
nS 15 overrun KhorasAn with a large army. Some parties of his troops, in the course of
their incursions, had entered and committed devastations on territories claimed by
Shah Ismael, who at that time filled the Persian throne ; and he had even sent an army
to invade Kerman. 1 Shah Ismael, having subdued the Turkomans in Azerbaejan, had
reduced under one government the various provinces of Persia to the west of the de-
sert, which for so long a series of years had been divided into petty principalities. On
receiving information of these aggressions, he immediately sent to Sheibani Khan
respond** 1 ” ara ka8sadors, who carr ied letters, remonstrating, but with great courtesy, against the
cncc. aggressions which had occurred within the boundaries of his dominions. The Uzbek
prince, rendered haughty by long success, returned for answer, that he did not com-
prehend Shah Ismael’s meaning ; that, for his own part, he was a prince who held
dominions by hereditary descent ; but that, as for Shah Ism&el, if he had suffered any
diminution of his paternal possessions, it was a very easy matter to restore them
entire to him ; and he at the same time sent him the staff and wooden begging-dish 2 *
of a mendicant. He added, however, that it was his intention one day to go the pil-
grimage of Mekka, and that he would make a point of seeing him by the way. Shah
Ismael, who was descended of a celebrated Dervish, and who prided himself on Iris
descent from the holy Syed, affected to receive the taunt with patient humility. He
returned for answer, that if glory or shame, here or hereafter, was to be estimated by
the worth or demerit of ancestors, he would never think of degrading his forefathers
by any comparison with those of Sheib&ni Khan ; that if the right of succession to a
throne was decided by hereditary descent only, it was to him incomprehensible how
the empire had descended through the various dynasties of Peshdadians, Kaianians,
and the family of Cheugis, 9 to Sheibani himself. That he too intended making a pil-
grimage, but it was to the tomb of the holy Imam Reza 4 at Meshhid, which might
afford him an opportunity of meeting Sheib&ni Khan. He sent him a spindle and reel,
with some cotton, giving him to understand that words were a woman’s weapons ;
that it would become him either to sit quietly in his corner, busied in some occupation
that befitted him, or to come boldly into the field to meet his enemy in arms, and listen
to a few words from the two-tongued Zulfikar. 5 “ Let us then fairly try,” concluded
Shah Ismael, t( to which of the two the superiority* belongs. You will at least learn
that you have not now to deal with an inexperienced boy.” 6 * *

1 Sec the Tarikh Alim-Arai Abassi of Mirza Sekander, vol. I. MS.

s The kuclikuli is a sort of dish or ladle which mendicants hold out for receiving alms.

9 These were different dynasties that had governed Persia and Khoras&n.

4 It is the duty of all Muhammedans to visit Mekka. The Shias alone visit the shrine of Im&m Reza,
which is at Meshhid, in Khorasan, in the territory then belonging to Sheibani Khan.

5 Zulfikar was the celebrated two-bladed Bword of Ali, from whom Shah Ism&el boasted his descent.

6 In the account of this correspondence I follow Khafi Khan, corrected by Mirza Sekander, the author
of the Alim-arai Abassi. Khafi Khan and Ferishta mention the presents, which are not alluded to by

the Persian writer, who probably did not choose to record incidents, the remembrance of which the

reigning family, having shaken off the Dervish, were not proud to recall. He mentions the pilgrimages

of Mekka and Meshhid, a subject more agreeable to the prevailing prejudices.

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

239

Without losing a moment, or giving the enemy time to prepare for meeting him, ism&ei
Shah Ism&el put his army in motion, and advanced through Khor&s&u as far as Mesh- vltaKho.
hid. The detachments of the Uzbek army all fell back and retired to HeriLt. Shei-
bani Khan, who had just returned from an expedition iuto the country of the Hazaras, retire* to
on hearing of Shah Ismael’s arrival at Meshhid, perceiving that he was too weak to meet iVIerv ‘
his enemy in the field, left Jan Vafa Mirza in Herat, and set off with such of his troops
as he could collect, to Merv Shahjehan, a station where he could receive reinforcements
from his northern dominions ; or from which, if necessary, he could retire across the
Amu. Jan Vafa was not long able to maintain himself in Herat. He found it neces-
sary, very speedily, to follow Sheibani Khan. Shah Ismael himself now advanced to-
wards Merv, and sent on Daneh Muhammed with a largo force to clear the way. That
officer was met by Jan Vafa Mirza near Takerabad of Merv : a desperate action ensued,
in which the Persian general fell, but Jan Vafa was defeated. Sheibani Khan, unable
to oppose the Persians in the field, retired into the fort of Merv. He sent messengers in which
to call all his generals and cliieftans from beyond the Amu, most of them having re- sieged,
tired with their troops to their various governments, after the conquest of Khoras&ii.

Many desperate actions took place under the walls of Merv Shahjehan. Shah Ismael,
seeing that the siege was likely to extend to great length, which would have exposed
him to an attack from the whole force of Turkistan and Maweralnaher, pretended to
be under the necessity of raising it. He sent to tell Sheibani Khan that he had been
rather more punctual to his engagements than that prince had been ; that he had per-
formed the pilgrimage of Meshhid as he had promised, while Sheibani Khan had fail-
ed to keep his appointment : that he was now under the necessity of returning home
to his own dominions, but would still be extremely happy to meet him on the road,
whenever he set out on his intended pilgrimage to Mekka. He then retired with all
his forces from before Merv, and appeared to be measuring back his way to Irak. The
feint succeeded. Sheibani Khan followed him with twenty-five thousand 1 men, but Decinivc
had scarcely passed a river about ten miles from Merv, when Shah Ism&el, who threw bAttk *‘
a body of horse into his rear, broke down the bridge, and fell upon him with seven-
teen thousand cavalry. The regulated valour of the Kezzelhashes, or red-bonnets, the
name given to the Persian soldiers, speedily prevailed. Sheibani Khan was defeated, Sheibani
and his retreat cut off. lie was forced to fly, attended by about five hundred men, defetttcd ’
chiefly the sons of Sultans, the heads of tribes, and men of rank, into an inclosure
which had been erected for accommodating the cattle of travellers, and of the neigh-
bouring peasants. They were closely pursued, and hard pressed. The inclosure had
only one issue, which was that attacked by the pursuers. The Khan leaped his horse
over the wall of the inclosure, towards the river, but fell, and was soon overlaid, and and slain,
smothered by the numbers who followed him. After the battle his dead body was
sought for, and was disentangled from the heap of slain by which it was covered. His
head was cut off, and presented to Shah Ismael, who ordered his body to be dismem-
bered, and his limbs to be sent to different kingdoms. The skin of the head was strip-

1 The author of the Alim-arai Abassi, says thirty thousand.

240

SUPPLEMENT TO THE

Shah Is-
mael occu-
pies Kho-
rusan.

subsequent

events.

Baber

marches

against

llissar.

peel off, stuffed with hay, and Rent to Sultan Bayezid , 1 2 the son of Sultan Muliammed
Ghazi, the Turkish Emperor of Constantinople, His skull, set in gold, the king used
as a drinking-cup, and was proud of displaying it at great entertainments. An anec-
dote illustrative of the barbarous manners of the Persians, is recorded by Mirza Sek-
ander. The Prince of Mazenderan, who still held out against Shah IsmAel, had been
accustomed often to repeat, that he was wholly in the interests of Sheibani Khan, and,
using an idiomatic expression, that his hand was on the skirts of the Khan’s garment ;
meaning, that he clung to him for assistance and protection. A messenger from Shah
Ismael, advancing into the presence of the prince while sitting in state in his court,
addressed him, and said, that he never had been so fortunate as literally to have placed
his hand on the hem of Sheibani Khan’s garment, but that now Sheibani’s hand was
indeed on his ; and, witli these words, dashed the rigid hand of Sheibani Khan on the
hem of the prince’s robe, and rushing through the midst of the astonished courtiers,
mounted and escaped uninjured. About a thousand 3 Uzbeks, with a number of women
of rank, and children, fell into the hands of the Persians.

Shah Ismael, immediately after the battle, inarched to Herat, the gates of which
were opened to him. He commanded the divine service in the Mosques to be cele-
brated according to the Shia rites, which he had introduced into Persia, but met with
great opposition from the principal men of the place. Enraged at this, lie put to death
the chief preacher of the Great Mosque, the Sheikh-ul-Islam, who was the chief Mu-
s ill man doctor and judge, with several of the most eminent divines, as a punishment
for the obstinacy and contumacy with which they adhered to the old doctrines and
ceremonies ; and in the end found, that it was a far easier matter to conquer a king-
dom, than to change the most insignificant religious opinions or usages of its inhabi-
tants*

The transactions of the Uzbeks for some time after the death of Sheibani Khan, are
not very distinctly detailed. Jani Beg appears to have succeeded to the immediate
command of the Uzbek army, and, with him, Shah Ismael soon after concluded an agree-
ment, by which it was stipulated, that the Uzbeks should all retire beyond the Amu,
which was to form the boundary between them and the Persians. Abdalla Khan ap-
pears to have held Bokhara, while Taimur Khan , 1 the son of Sheibani Khan, reigned
in Samarkand.

The defeat and death of Baber’s most inveterate foe, from whom all his misfortunes
had originated, and by whom he had been driven from the dominions of his forefathers,
now opened to him the fairest hopes of recovering the kingdoms of his father and
uncles. Khan Mirza, his cousin, immediately on hearing of the death of Sheibani
Khan, wrote to congratulate him on the event, and invited him into Badakhshan ; and

1 Called Bajazet by European writers.

2 In the account of the transactions of Sheibani Khan, and Shah Ismael, in Khorasan, and of the sub-
sequent battle, I follow Mirza Sekandcr as the most intelligent guide. Some circumstances are borrowed
from Khafi Khan, who follows Mirza Iiaider, the author of the Tarikh-e-Reshidi, a contemporary and
well-informed historian. Ferishta, whose information is here very defective, gives Sheibani Khan an
army of a hundred thousand men in the battle.

3 See the Alim-arai Abassi. Khafi Khan speaks of him’ as descended of the great Taimur Beg.

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

241

Baber having, without delay, crossed the mouutains from Kabul, united his forces shnwai,
with those of the Mirza. He was in hopes that he might have carried the important * iV?”

fort of Hissar by a sudden attack, and for that purpose, advanced across the Amu up lr>l L
to the walls of the place. But the Uzbeks had already had leisure to recover from the
first effects of the consternation into which they had been thrown by their defeat ; and
the Governor of Hiss&r, aware that it was likely to be one of the first objects of attack,
had collected a body of men, and put the town in a posture of defence. Though the
loss of the Uzbeks in the battle had been great, their power was by no means broken.

There was no force left in Maweralnaher from which they had anything to apprehend.

It is probable that they were speedily joined by numbers of volunteers, and by some
wandering tribes 1 2 3 from the deserts beyond the Sirr. The provinces between that river
and the Amu were too rich a prey to be easily abandoned by brave and needy Tartars ; fails
so that Baber, after advancing into the vicinity of Hissar, finding that his strength was u-rpn/trongly posted at Nakhsheb

or Karshi.

6 Tarikh-e-KMfi Khan ; but the transactions of this period are very uncertain ; and, from Baber’s
Memoirs, it is rather probable that he defeated Mehdi Sultan.

242

SUPPLEMENT TO THE

Baber re*
reives as-
sistance
from Shah
Ismael.

Reduces

Hissar,

Khutlan,

Khozar,&c.

Bokhara
and Samar*
kand.

Middle of
Rajeb,
A.H. !I17.

Bokhara in.
vaded by
the Uzbeks.
A.H. JH7-
18, from
October

1511, to the
beginning
of June

1512.

Baber de-
feated.

Sefer A.H.
HI 8. April
or May
1512.

Abandons
Samarkand.
Is besieged
in Hissar.

A. D. 1512.
Siege raised.

The embassy of Khan Mirza to Shah Ism&el had been so successful, that he now re-
turned accompanied by a detachment of Persian auxiliaries, sent by the King to the
assistance of Baber, under the command of Ahmed Sultan Siifi, a relation of the Per-
sian monarch, of Ali Khan Istiljo, and of Shahrokh Sultan, his sealbearer, an Afshar, 1
by whose co-operation Baber defeated and slew Jemshid Sultan, and Mahmud Sul-
tan, who had the chief authority in the country of Hissar, and gained possession of
Iiiss&r as well as of Kundez, Khutlan, and Khoz&r ; and so rapidly did his situation
improve, that, if we may believe Ferishta, whose authority is supported by that of
Kliafi Khan, he now saw himself at the head of an army of sixty thousand horse.

Encouraged by this prosperous state of his affairs, he resolved to attempt the con-
quest of Bokhara, which, since the death of Shcibani Khan, had been held by Abdalla
Khan and his Uzbeks. On his approach, they abandoned the country and retired to
Turkistan. 2 Baber advanced up the river from Bokhara, and was soon in possession
of Samarkand, as well as of the districts dependent on it ; he entered it about the be-
ginning of October 1511, as a conqueror, and the Khutbeh 3 or prayer for the sove-
reign was read, and the coin struck in his name.

Having thus, for the third time, taken possession of Samarkand, he committed the
government of Kabul to Nasir Mirza, and dismissed the generals of Shah IsmfLel, after
having amply rewarded them for their services.

Baber had now spent eight months of the succeeding winter and spring in all the
enjoyments of Samarkand, when he was alarmed by the unwelcome news that an army
of Uzbeks, more in number, says the historian, 4 than ants or locusts, had collected,
and were on their march for Bokhara, under the command of Muhammed Taimur
Sultan, the son of Sheib&ni Khan, who, as has been already mentioned, after his fa-
ther’s death, had been raised by the Uzbeks to the rank of Sultan of Samarkand. Ba-
ber, without delay, and with very inferior force, sought them out, and falling in with
them near Bokhara, engaged them in a bloody battle, in which, from the inferiority of
his numbers, he met with a complete defeat, and was obliged to fly back to Samar-
kand. He soon discovered, however, that he had no chance of being able to defend
himself in that capital. He therefore withdrew to Hissar, whither he was followed by
the Uzbek chiefs and closely blockaded. In this exigency he retired into the town and
suburbs, blocked up the entrance of the streets, and threw up strong defences. He at
the same time dispatched messengers to Balkh, to Biram Khan Karamanlu, who was
then in that neighbourhood with an army of Persians. Biram Khan instantly sent a
detachment to his relief, and at their approach the Uzbeks raised the siege and re-
treated.

1 The Afshars are a Turki tribe celebrated in the History ef Persia.

2 Turkistan, in its extensive sense, is applied to the whole country inhabited by the Ttirki tribes. It
is, in a more limited sense, applied to the countries north of the Sirr below Tashkend, where there is also
a town of the name of Turkistan. In the details of the events of this period, the author of the Alim-
arai Abassi is more consistent than Ferishta or Khafi Khan.

3 See Ferishta and Khafi Khan, the Indian authorities. Mirza Sekander, the Persian authority, says,
that the Khutbeh was read in the name of Shah Ism&el ; and some circumstances render this not impro-
bable, hut it is difficult to disentangle the truths of history from the maze of Persian and Indian flattery.

4 Khafi Khan.

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

243

Shall Ism&el, on hearing of these events, being probably apprehensive of a new Uz- Baber join,
bek invasion, sent Nijim Sani Isfahan!, one of his principal officers, with a large force, ^ ll11
for the protection of Khorasan. This general, without orders from hie sovereign, was vancc^t that Baber himself with difficulty escaped into the citadel of Hissfir in his night-
clothes, not having even had time to put on his shoes ; and so desperate had the situ-
ation of his affairs now become, that he had not a hope left of being able to revenge
the affront. The power and influence of the Uzbeks daily increased, till they regained
the undisputed possession of all Maweralnaher, including the country of Hissfir. A
famine and pestilence were added to the calamities of war, and Baber, who was shut
up within the citadel of Hissar, was reduced to the last extremes of misery.

Disaffection What diminished his ultimate chance of success, was a marked disaffection to his
▼prament government, which bad manifested itself from Hissar to Bokhara. When he first en-
tered the country on the defeat of Sheibani Khan, the news of liis approach was re-
ceived with the strongest demonstrations of joy, both in the territories of Hissar and
of Samarkand ; and he was hailed as a deliverer. But causes of mutual disgust speedily
arose. As lie relied much on the assistance of Shall Ismael, the King of Persia, for
reconquering his dominions, in order to gratify that prince, he is said to have dressed
himself and his troops in the Persian fashion, and to have issued an order that all his
troops should wear a red cloth in their caps like Kezzel bashes. The principal men of
Samarkand and Bokhara were highly offended at this order, which, with the general
distinction shown to the Persian auxiliaries, and perhaps some acts of Baber implying
a dependance on the Persian king, appeared like a preparation for their becoming sub-
jects of Persia. Their hostility to the Persians was now increased by difference of re-
ligion, Shah Ismfiel being a warm and zealous apostle of the Shla faith, while Mawer-
aluaher, from the earliest ages of the Islam, was always famous for the orthodoxy of
its doctors and inhabitants. The detestation which the orthodox Sunnis of M&weral-
naher then bore to the heretical Shias of Persia, was certainly increased by the persecu-
tions at Herat ; and it continues undiminished at the present hour, particularly among
the Uzbeks, one of whom seldom willingly enters the territories of Persia 1 except as
an enemy. The nobles and religious men of Samarkand and Bokhara had expressed
great indignation that their soldiers should be disguised as Kezzelbashes. The usual
weapons of ridicule and abuse were plentifully lavished on the king and his army, to
expose these innovations to derision . 2 The massacre at Karshi, though it occurred in

1 X happened to meet with a singular instance of this, while making some inquiries regarding the geo-
graphy of Uzbek Turkistan. An Uzbek Mulla, whom I consulted, had just made the pilgrimage of Mekka.
On inquiring if he had passed through Persia, he expressed great horror. I found, that to avoid touch-
ing the soil of Persia, he had gone from Bokhara to Kokitn, thence to Kashgbar, thence to Astrakhan,
whence by Krim Tartary he had reached Constantinople. He went by sea to Egypt, and joined the ca-
ravan of Cairo. I gaw him at Bombay, whither he had come from Jidda, after making the Haj , or pil-
grimage. He was preparing to return home by Delhi, Lahore, and Peshawcr, to avoid coming in con-
tact with the Persian Shias.

2 They insulted the king and his troops, asking how they came to cover their heads nervis asininis,
as they deridingly called the red piece of cloth that hangs from the top of the Persian cap.— See Khafi
Khan, vol. I. MS.

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

2*5

spite of Baber’s efforts to prevent it, probably produced its natural consequences.

Such an execution inevitably generates alienation and hatred ; and unless supported by
an overwhelming force, so as to keep alive feelings of terror, is sure to be fatal by the
detestation it produces. The contempt and liatred excited against the invaders spread
in all directions, and finally extended to the king and all liis measures. Baber, in the Baber ki
end, seeing all hope of recovering Hissar and Samarkand totally vanished, once more furnTtV’
recrossed the Hindukush mountains, attended by a few faithful followers, who still Kabul,
adhered to his fortunes, and again arrived in the city of KAbul. From this time he
seems to have abandoned all views 1 on the country of Maweralnaher ; and he was “ led
by divine inspiration,” says the courtly Abulfazl, writing in the reign of his grandson,

“ to turn his mind to the conquest of Hindustan.”

But his arms were previously employed for several years in attempting a conquest Haber’* at
nearer to his capital. When Sheibani Khan was obliged to raise the siege of the cita- KamiubTr
del of Kandahar, to return to the rescue of his family in Nirehtu, Nasir Mirza, Baber’s a . n. s#i:t,
youngest brother, who defended the place, had been reduced to great difficulties. The A * l> * lr>u –
departure of Sheibani Khan did not much improve his situation ; for Shah Beg and
Mokim remained in the neighbourhood, and, in a short time, so much straitened the
young prince, who, from the first, was but ill prepared for a siege, that he soon found
it necessary to abandon the citadel of Kandahar, and return to the court of his brother.

Baber bestowed on him the government of Ghazni, an incident mentioned among the
events of the year 913. The year in which Baber came back from Kundez to Kabul,

I have not discovered; but his return was probably in the course of 921. Of the a. I>. i.m.v
transactions of the three following years, our accounts are very imperfect. There is
reason to believe that they were chiefly spent in an annual invasion of the territory of
Kandahar, the forts of which were defended by Shah Beg, though he did not venture
to oppose the invaders in the field.

The fragment of Baber’s Memoirs which follows, describes his first invasion of In-
dia, and also what Khafi Khan and Ferishta regard as the second. It includes a pe-
riod of only one year and a month. The Memoirs here assume the form of a journal.

1 His hopes were revived for a moment near the close of his life.

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

EVENTS OF THE YEAR 985.’

A. I). On Monday, 1 2 the first day of the month of Moharrem, there was a violent earth*
J a ® uat y 3 ‘ quake in the lower part of the valley, or Jftlga of Chandfil, 3 which lasted nearly half
marches to an astronomical hour. Next morning I marched from this stage, for the purpose of
attiuk Ba- attacking the fort of Bajour. Having encamped near it, I sent a trusty man of the
Dilazak Afghans to Bajour, to require the Sultan of Bajour and his people to submit,
and deliver up the fort. That stupid and ill-fated set refused to do as they were ad-
vised, and sent back an absurd answer. I therefore ordered the army to prepare their
besieging implements, scaling-ladders, and engines for attacking fortresses. For this
purpose we halted one day in our camp.

January c Thursday, the 4tli of Moharrem, I ordered the troops to put on their armour,

to prepare their weapons, and to mount in readiness for action. The left wing I or-
dered to proceed higher up than the fort of Bajour, to cross the .river at the ford, and
to take their ground to the north of the fort ; I ordered the centre not to cross the
river, but to station themselves in the broken and high grounds to the north-west.
The right wing was directed to halt to the west of the lower gate. When Dost Beg
and the Begs of the left wing were halting, after crossing the river, a hundred or a
hundred and fifty foot sallied from the fort, and assailed them by discharges of arrows.
The Begs, on their side, received the attack, and returned the discharge, chased back
the enemy to the fort, and drove them under the ramparts. Mulla Abdalmalek of
Khost madly pushed on his horse, and rode close up to the foot of the wall. If
the scaling-ladders and Tura 4 had been ready, and the day not so nearly spent, we
should have taken the castle at that very time. Mulla Tfirk Ali, and a servant of
Tengri Berdi, having each engaged in single combat with an enemy, took their anta-
gonists, cut off their heads, and brought them back. Both of them were ordered to

1 Dr Leyden’s translation here begins again.

2 The whole of the year 925 of the Hejira is included in A.D. 1519.

3 This Valley is now called Jondol, or Jandol. It is about a day’s journey from Bajour, to the north
or north-east. The name of Chandul, however, is still known.

4 The Tura, as has already been observed, were probably broad testudos, under cover of which the
besiegers advanced to the stonn.

MEMOIRS OF BABER

247

receive honorary presents. As tlie people of Bajour had never seen any matchlocks,
they at first were not in the least apprehensive of them, so that when they heard the
report of the matchlocks, they stood opposite to them, mocking and making many un-
seemly and improper gestures. That same day, Ustad Ali Kuli brought down five
men with his matchlock, and WaliKIiazin also killed two. The rest of the matchlock-
men likewise showed great courage, and behaved finely. Quitting their shields, their
mail, and their cowheads, 1 they plied their shot so well, that before evening, seven,
eight, or ten Bajouris were brought down by them ; after which, the men of the fort
were so alarmed, that, for fear of the matchlocks, not one of them would venture to
show his head. As it was now evening, orders were given that the troops should be
drawn off for the present, but should prepare the proper implements and engines, for
assaulting the fortress iu the morning twilight.

On Friday, the 5th day of Moharrem, at the first dawn of light, orders were given
to sound the kettle-drum for action. The troops all moved forward according to the
stations assigned them, and invested the place. The left wing and centre having
brought at once an entire Turn from their trenches, applied the scaling-ladders, and
began to mount. Khalifeh, Shall Hassau Arghun, and Alimcd Yosef, with their fol-
lowers, were ordered from the left of the centre, to reinforce the left wing. Dost Beg’s
men reached the foot of a tower on the north-east of the fort, and began undermining
and destroying the walls. Ustad Ali Kuli was also there, and that day too lie mana-
ged his matchlock to good purpose ; the Feringy 2 3 piece was twice discharged. Wall
Khazin also brought down a man with his matchlock. On the left of the centre, Malek
Kutub Ali having mounted the walls by a scaling-ladder, was for some time engaged
hand to hand with the enemy. At the lines of the main body, Muhammed Ali Jeng-
jeng, and his younger brother Nouroz, mounted by a scaling-ladder, and fought bravely
with spear and sword. Baba Yesawel, mounting by another scaling-ladder, busied
himself in demolishing with an axe the parapet of the fort. Many of our people brave-
ly climbed up, kept plying the enemy with their arrows, and would not suffer them
to raise their heads above the works ; some others of our people, in spite of all the ex-
ertions and annoyance of the enemy, and not minding their hows and arrows, employ-
ed themselves in breaking through the walls, and demolishing the defences. It was
luncheon-time 5 when the tower to the north-cast, which Dost Beg’s men were under-
mining, was breached ; immediately on which the assailants drove the enemy before
them, and entered the tower. The men of the main body, at the same time, also mount-
ed by their scaling-ladders, and entered the fort. By the favour and kindness of God,
in the course of two or three hours, we took this strong castle. All ranks displayed

1 The cowheads were probably a kind of awning, covered with cow-hides, to admit of the matchlock-
men loading in safety.

2 Much has been written concerning the early use of gunpowder in the East. There is, however, no
well-authenticated fact to prove the existence of anything like artillery there, till it was introduced from
Europe. Baber here, and in other places, calls his larger ordnance Feringi, a proof that they were then
regarded as owing their origin to Europe. The Turks, in consequence of their constant intercourse with
the nations of the West, have always excelled all the other Orientals in the use of artillery ; and, when
heavy cannon were first used in India, Europeans or Turks were engaged to serve them.

3 Chasht.

January 7

The fort
breached
and taker;

248

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

a. n. 15H). the greatest courage and energy, and justified their right to the character and fame c
valour. As the men of Bajour were rebels, rebels to the followers of Isl&m, and ai
beside their rebellion and hostility, they followed the customs and usages of the inf
dels, while even the name of Islam was extirpated from among them, they were a
put to the sword, and their wives and families made prisoners. Perhaps upwards It has already been remarked, that the Jondol and Bajour rivers join before they fall into the Penj-
kora.

7 A sort of intoxicating confection.

* Peshgram lies north of Mahyar, which is in Mr Elphinstone’s map. Kehraj 1 have not found, but it
may be part of die same valley.

9 A hundred man is a kharwar, at four asar the mem^Leydeu. That is, four seers, or the weight of
four rupees of copper change to a man, or nearly seven pounds weight, which makes the kharwar ab ’
them, for the purpose of examining the banks of the river, both above and below*

After sending on the army towards the river, I myself set off for Sawati, which they
likewise call Karak-Khaneli, to hunt the rhinoceros. We started many rhinoceroses, 1 2 3
but, as the country abounded in brush-wood, we could not get at them. A she rhino-
ceros that had whelps, came out and fled along the plain ; many arrows were shot at
her, but as the wooded ground was near at hand she gained cover. We set fire to the
brush-wood, but the rhinoceros was not to ho found. We got sight of another, that,
having been scorched in the fire, was lamed and unable to run. We killed it, and
every one cut off a bit of it as a trophy of the chase. Leaving Sawati, after a wide
and fatiguing circuit, we reached the camp about bed-time prayers. The party that
had been sent to survey the passage over the river did so, and returned.

Next morning, being Thursday the 17th, we crossed the ford* with our horses, Huber
camels, and baggage ; the camp bazar and the infantry were floated across on rafts. sbiTVi’-”
The sam& day the inhabitants of Nilab :, waited on me, bringing an armed horse and bruary i
value, and tendering their submission. These men 1 sent forward along with Abdal-
Rahim Shagliawal to Bchreh, in order to re-assurc the people of the place ; to tell them
that these countries, from remote times, had belonged to the Turks, and that they
must be on their guard not to permit any commotions, which would inevitably termi-
nate in the plunder and ruin of the country, of its inhabitants, and of the property
and wealth, which for years they had been accumulating.

About “luncheon-time we reached the bottom of the pass, where we halted and sent Ruber
on Kurban Clierkhi and Abdal Maluk Kliosti, with seven or eight others, to recon- nl-hroh.
noitre and bring in intelligence. Mir Muhammed Mehdi Khwajeli, one of the persons
tvho was so sent in advance, brought in one man. At this time some chiefs of the
Afghans came with Peshkeshes and tendered their submission. I sent them on with
Lenger Khan, for the purpose of inspiring the inhabitants of Belireh with confidence.

Having cleared the pass, and emerged from the wooded ground, I formed the army in
regular array, with right and left wing and centre, and marched towards Bchreh.

When we had nearly reached that place, Dewch Hindu, and the son of Scktu, who
were servants of Ali Khan, the son of Doulet Khan Yusef-Khail, accompanied by the
head men of Belireh, met us, bringing each a horse and camel as a Pcshkesh, and
tendered their submission and service. Noon-day prayers were over when we halted
to the east of Behreh, 4 on the banks of the river Bchat, on a green field of grass, with-
out having done the people of Behreh the least injury or damage.

From the time that Taimur Beg had invaded Hindustan, and again left it, these History t
countries of Behreh, Khushab, Chanab, and Chaniut, had remained in the possession fyom^L

of the family of Taimur Beg, and of their dependents and adherents. Sultan Masaud timc of T«.

1 mcrlnne.

1 Fifteen or twenty miles. 2 About five miles.

3 The Kotal or Ilill-pass of Il&mbutu appears to lie in the Salt Range.

* The town of Behreh or Bhira must, at this time, have lain to the norti; of the .7 clam or Bchat. It

is a common name in that tract.

256

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

Mirza, the grandson of Shahrokh Mirza and son of Sifirghnamsh Mirza, 1 was, in those
days, the ruler and chief of Kabul and Zabul, on which account he got the name of
Sultan Masaud Kabuli. After his death, and that of his son Ali Asgher Mirza, some
of the persons whom he had brought forward and patronised, such as the sons of Mir
Ali Beg, Baba Kabuli, Deria Khan, and Apak Khan, who was afterwards called
Ghazi Khan, having a commanding influence, took possession of Kabul, Z&bul, and
those countries of Hindustan which have been mentioned, and usurped the govern-
i.’rtM-w. ment. In the year 910, which was the date of my first coming to Kabul, I passed
through Kheiber arid advanced to Pershawer, with the intention of invading Hindu-
stan ; but, by the persuasion of Baki Cheghaniani, was diverted towards the Lower
Bangash, which is called Kohat, and after having pillaged and ravaged a great part of
Afghanistan, and plundered and laid waste the Dcsht (or low country), I returned by
way of Duki. At that time the government of Bchreh, Khushab, and Chan&b, was
held by Sycd Ali Khan, the son of Ghazi Khan, and grandson of Mir Ali Beg. He
read the Kliutbeh in the name of Iskander Belilul, 2 and was subject to him. Being
alarmed at my inroad, he abandoned the town of Behreh, crossed the river Behat, 3 and
made Shirkot, a place in the district of Behreh, his capital. After a year or two, the
Afghans having conceived suspicions against Syed Ali on my account, he became alarm-
ed at their hostility, and surrendered his country to Doulet Khan Tatar Khan Yfisef-
Khail, who at that time was Ilakim 4 5 of Lahore. Doulet Khan gave Behreh to his
eldest son Ali Khan, by whom it was now held. Tatar Khan, the father of Doulet
Khan, was one of the six or seven chiefs who invaded and conquered Hindustan, and
made Belilul Emperor. This Tatar Khan possessed Sirhend and all the country to
the north of the Satlej. The revenue of these territories was upwards of three krors. 6
After Tatar Khan’s death, Sultan Sekander, the reigning Emperor, had taken these
countries from his family. Two years before my coming to Kabul, the same prince
had given Lahore alone to Doulet Khan.

A. 1 ). l. r )U>. Next morning, I sent out several foraging parties in proper directions, and after-
Kbruary war nw
road, was received into the mercy of God. I was extremely concerned and grieved at
this event. His body was carried to Ghazni, and buried in front of the entrance into
the Sultan’s Mausoleum. Dost Beg was an admirable man. He was rising to the
highest rank in the order of nobility. Before he had reached the rank of Beg, His char:
while attending my court, and attached to my person, he performed several gal- tcr ‘
lant actions. One of these was when Sultan Ahmed Tambol surprised us by night,
within a farsang of Andejan, at the Rehat of Zourak. With only ten or fifteen men,

I stood my ground, charged him, and put his party to flight. By the time I came up
witli the main body of the enemy, where we found him standing with about a hundred
men drawn up, I had only three men left with me, the rest having fallen behind ; so
that we were but four in number. One of the three was Dost N&sir; another Mirza
Kuli Gokultash, the third Kcrimdad. I had on my corslet. Tambol, with another
person, stood in front of his troops, about as far in advance as the outer vestibule of a

1 Near Adinapur. 2 * A geri is 24 minutes.

3 Tewachi, an adjutant or commissary. 4 Sire-pul.

5 The expression sabdkhi occurs very frequently in the sequel. 1 presume that it means a morning

drinking party.

6 Or Gulguneh. 7 Violet Garden*

266

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

house is from the door. I advanced right to Tambol, face to face, and struck him oi
the thelinet with an arrow. I shot another arrow, which pierced his shield and plate
mail. They discharged an arrow at me, which passed close by my neck. 1 Tambol le
fall a heavy sword-blow on my head. It is a singular fact, that, though not a threw
of my cap of mail was injured, yet my head was severely wounded. No one cominj
up to my succour, and finding myself alone, I was obliged to retreat full gallop. Dos
Beg, who was somewhat behind me, interposed himself, and engaged him sword ii
hand, to favour my escape. On another occasion, at Akhsi, when we were rctreatinj
out of that, place, he had a single combat with Baki Khiz ; 2 3 though they called hin
Kliiz (the effeminate), yet ho was a stern and sturdy soldier, and wielded his swori
right powerfully. When I retired from Akhsi, and had only eight persons left witl
me, he was one of them. The enemy, after dismounting other two, at last dismounted
Dost Beg. After he was elevated to the rank of Beg, too, when Siunjek Khan cam*
with the Sultans to Tashkend, and besieged Ahmed Kasim, he broke their ranks, passed
through the middle of their army, and entered the city. He likewise showed grea
self-devotion in defending the place.* 1 Ahmed Kasim, without giving him notice, aban
doned the city and fled. Under these circumstances, he manfully attacked the Khan
and Sultans, forced his way out of Tashkend, broke through the midst of their army
and bravely effected his escape. After this, when Shirim Tagliai and Mazid, witl

A. Jf. «U4. their adherents, were in a state of rebellion, Dost Beg having been detached fron
Ghazni with a party of two or three hundred men on a plundering expedition, tin
Moghuls sent three or four hundred chosen men, to seek him out and chastise him
Dost Beg fell in with this force of the enemy in the neighbourhood of Shirukan, when
he completely beat them, dismounted and took a number of them prisoners, an<
brought hack with him a quantity of heads which he had cut off. At the storm of tin
fort of Bajour, too, Dost Big’s people came up and mounted the ramparts before an]
of the others ; and, at Perhaleh, Dost Beg defeated Hati, put him to flight, and tool
the place. After Dost Beg’s death, I gave his governments to his younger brother.
Miram Nasir.

Aprii a** * On Friday, the 8th of the latter Rebi, I left the fort, and went to the Chehar-Bagh

April 12. On Tuesday the 12th, Sultanim Begum, the eldest daughter of Sultan Mirza, who

during the late occurrences, had been in Khwarizm, where Isan Kuli Sultan, thi
younger brother of Yeli Pate 4 Sultan, had married her daughter, arrived with her ir;
Kabul. I assigned her the Baghe Khilwat for her residence. After 6lie had taken uj
her abode there, I went and waited on them. As I visited them with the same cere-
mony as if they were my elder sisters, I bowed down as a mark of politeness and re-
spect ; they also bowed down. I then went up to them and we embraced each other :
and we always afterwards observed the same usage.

April 17 . On Sunday the 17th, I released from custody that traitor Baba Sheikh, who had

1 It is strange that Baber takes no notice of the wound which on this occasion he received in the thigh.

2 The effeminate.

3 This siege of Tashkend is referred to nowhere else.

4 He is before called Dilbars, which seems to be the correct name.

2

MEMOIRS OF BABER. 26 7

long been in confinement ; forgave his offences, and bestowed on him a dress of ho-
nour.

On Tuesday the 19th, I went out about noon, to make a tour round Kliwajeh Sy&ran. April i
orders, instantly assembled in great numbers, and marched against Hindu Beg in
Behreh. The Zemindars also joined the party of the Afghans ; so that Hindu Beg,
being unable to defend himself in Behreh, retired by Khusliab, passed through the
country of Dinkdt, and proceeding on by Nilab, arrived in Kabul. Deo Hindu, with
the son of Sektu, and some other Hindus, had been brought as prisoners from Behreh.

We now settled with each of them for a certain contribution, on payment of which
these Hindustanis were all presented with horses and dresses of honour, and dismiss-
ed, with liberty to return home.

On Friday the 29tli, I felt some symptoms of an intermittent fever, and got myself April srv
let blood. At that time there was an interval sometimes of two days, sometimes of

1 The adjutant bird

2 L

268

MEMOIRS OF BABER.

A.D. isjo.
May 15.

May 1.

Tweet4,735
30
This year marks the 25th anniversary of Francis Fukuyama’s The End of History and the Last Man (1992). Rarely read but often denigrated, it might be the most maligned, unfairly dismissed and misunderstood book of the post-war era. Which is unfortunate for at least one reason: Fukuyama might have done a better job of predicting the political turmoil that engulfed Western democracies in 2016 – from Brexit, to Trump, to the Italian Referendum – than anybody else.

This should sound surprising. After all, Fukuyama’s name has for more than two decades been synonymous with a fin-de-siècle Western triumphalism. According to the conventional wisdom, he is supposed to have claimed that the collapse of the communist regimes in eastern Europe and the United States’ victory in the Cold War meant that liberal capitalist democracy was unambiguously the best form of human political organisation possible. To his popular critics – sometimes on the Right, but most especially on the Left – The End of History was thus a pseudo-intellectual justification for a hyper-liberal capitalist ideology, whose high-water mark was the disastrous administration of George W Bush. Fukuyama’s tagline – ‘the end of history’ – was seized upon by critics as proof that he was attempting to legitimate neoconservative hubris, cloaking a pernicious ideology with the façade of inevitability.

But (the conventional wisdom continues) hubris was soon followed by nemesis: the 9/11 attacks and the subsequent disaster of the Iraq War showed how wrong any triumphalist vision of liberal-capitalist world order was. Fukuyama took particularly heavy flak in this regard. Francis Wheen, in How Mumbo Jumbo Conquered the World (2004), was typical when he accused Fukuyama of being a shill for neo-con interests. In reply to the question ‘How do you get ahead by boldly making one of the worst predictions in social science?’ Wheen sniped: ‘If you are going to be wrong, be wrong as ostentatiously and extravagantly as possible.’ He claimed that Fukuyama ‘understood what was required to titillate the jaded palate of the chattering classes’ – and played on this for personal gain.

Yet all of this is incorrect. For a start, it is a gross misreading of The End of History to see it as any kind of triumphalism, let alone one subsequently disproved by the rise of radical Islam, or the stalling of capitalist democracies post-2008. It was also deeply unfair to Fukuyama himself. Although a public intellectual rather than a traditional academic, his infamous book displayed an erudition and depth of learning, combined with ambition and panache, that few tenured academics come close to. He might have been wrong, but he was never the dummy his critics made out.

To see this better, it’s worth elucidating the actual argument of The End of History. For a start, Fukuyama never suggested that events would somehow stop happening. Just like any other sane person, he believed that history (with a small h), the continuation of ordinary causal events, would go on as it always had. Elections would be held, sports matches would be won and lost, wars would break out, and so on. The interesting question for Fukuyama was about History (with a big H), a term that, for him, picked out a set of concerns about the deep structure of human social existence.

With regards to History, Fukuyama advanced a complex thesis about the way opposing forces play themselves out in social development. Here, he drew inspiration from the work of the German philosopher Georg Hegel, via the reinterpretations of the Russian émigré Alexandre Kojève. Hegel (and Kojève) proposed that History is a process by which contradictions in the ordering of societies work themselves out by eventually overcoming conflict, so as to move to a higher order of integration, where previous contradictions drop away because the underlying oppositions have been solved. The most famous instance of such a ‘dialectical’ view is Karl Marx’s (also made under Hegel’s influence): that the bourgeoisie and the proletariat would eventually move past their combative opposition, via a period of revolution against capitalism, into the harmony of communism.

In essence, big-H history was, for Fukuyama, an understanding of human development as a logical progression (or dialectical working out of contradictions), generating a grand-narrative of progress, in which each step forward sees the world becoming a more rational place. For Fukuyama, the long-run development of humanity was clearly discernible: from the Dark Ages, to the Renaissance, and then crucially the Enlightenment, with its inventions of secularism, egalitarianism and rational social organisation, paving the way in turn for democratic liberal capitalism. This was the cumulative, and thus far upward-curving, arc of human development.

Fukuyama jettisoned Hegel’s implausible metaphysics, as well as Marx’s idea of ‘dialectical materialism’, as the proposed motor of historical synthesis. In their place, he suggested that the modern scientific method coupled with technological advancement, alongside market capitalism as a form of mass information-processing for the allocation of resources, could explain how humanity had successfully managed to develop – haltingly, but definitely – on an upward course of civilisational progress. The catch, however, was that we had now gone as far as it was possible to go. Liberal democratic capitalism was the final stage of Historical synthesis: no less inherently contradictory form of society was possible. So, while liberal democracy was by no means perfect, it was the best we were going to get. Big-H history was over, and we were now living in post-History. That was what Fukuyama meant by his infamous claim that History had ‘ended’.

To be sure, many critics see Fukuyama’s theory as no more plausible than Hegel’s metaphysics or Marx’s materialism. And his claim that Western liberal democratic capitalism represented the necessary end point of the grand Historical working-out of human existence – such that no society more desirable than the US of the 1990s was possible – strikes many as no more likely than Hegel’s notorious claim that the end of History was the 19th-century Prussian state (which just happened to pay his salary).

This is what had driven human beings to build cathedrals, achieve great works of art, found empires and political movements

But whether Fukuyama’s neo-Hegelianism is plausible is not the most interesting aspect of his thesis. For throughout his analysis, Fukuyama insisted on the centrality of thymos (the Greek for ‘spiritedness’), or recognition, to human psychology: what Thomas Hobbes called pride, and Jean-Jacques Rousseau labelled amour propre. This denotes the need to be liked and respected by other people, and to have that recognition outwardly affirmed – if necessary, extracting it by force. Some human beings, Fukuyama thought, are always going to be inherently competitive and greedy for recognition. Some will therefore always vie to be thought of as the best – and others will resent them for that, and vie back. This has the potential to cause a lot of trouble. Human beings demand respect, and if they don’t feel that they are getting it, they break things – and people – in response.

It was this psychological feature of people, Fukuyama claimed, that guaranteed that although we might have reached the end of History, there was nothing to be triumphalist about. Just because humans could do no better than liberal capitalist democracy – could progress to no form of society that contained fewer inherent conflicts and contradictions – it didn’t mean that the unruly and competitive populations of such societies would sit still and be content with that. Late capitalist modernity might be the highest civilisational point we could achieve, because it contained the fewest contradictions. But there was strong reason to suspect that we’d slide off the top, back into History, down into something worse.

This was because, Fukuyama thought, human beings didn’t just exhibit thymos, but also what he termed ‘megalothymia’: a desire not just for respect and proportionate recognition, but a need to disproportionately dominate over others in ostentatious and spectacular ways. Megalothymia was by no means always or necessarily a bad thing: it was what had driven human beings to build cathedrals, achieve great works of art, found empires and political movements, and generally help push the direction of History forwards. But if not channelled to appropriate ends it could quickly turn vicious, finding an outlet in the domination and oppression of others.

What was remarkable about liberal capitalist democracy, Fukuyama thought, was that it had managed to put a lid on the more destructive expressions of megalothymia, encouraging citizens to direct such energies into socially harmless expressions, such as mountaineering or competitive sports. Which might sound like a pleasant conclusion. Except, Fukuyama thought, that a sanguine response failed to see the hidden dangers lurking in the end of History.

The second half of Fukuyama’s title, The Last Man, was a direct reference to the thought of Friedrich Nietzsche, who argued that, although modern society with its emphasis on truth and transparency had ‘killed God’ (the future of Western politics was egalitarian and secular), it had nothing to replace Him with. The vast majority of modern human beings would now be small-minded, stunted, pathetic creatures, possessing no sense of how to achieve greatness, only of how to accrue petty comforts and easy pleasures in a materialistic, self-obsessed world. In other words, if megalothymia went out of human life, so would greatness. Only base mediocrity would remain.

Fukuyama combined Nietzsche’s idea of the last man with his own diagnosis of underlying human psychology. His prognosis was that the outlook for post-History Western society was not good. It was possible that the last men at the end of History might sink down into a brutish contentment with material comforts, rather like dogs lying around in the afternoon sun (this was what Kojève predicted). But they might well go the other way. There was every chance that the last men (and women) would be deeply discontented with their historically unprecedented ease and luxury, because it failed to feed megalothymia. If the last men went this way, they would become bored by what Fukuyama called ‘masterless slavery – the life of rational consumption’. The spread of egalitarian values that went along with secular democratic politics would open up spaces of severe resentment – especially, we might now postulate, among those who had lost their traditional places at the top of social hierarchies, and felt cheated of the recognition that they believed they were owed. (Sound familiar?)

‘Modern thought raises no barriers to a future nihilistic war against liberal democracy on the part of those brought up in its bosom’

Fukuyama predicted that such restlessness and resentment would eventually need a political outlet – and when it came, it would be explosive. The anti-capitalist Left, however, was a busted flush. Communism was now a known fraud and failure, and post-Historical people driven by megalothymia would have no truck with its egalitarian pretensions, or its nakedly tyrannical realities. Far more threatening to the stability of liberal capitalist societies would be the emergence of demagogic strongmen from the fascistic Right, cynically feeding narrow self-interest and popular discontent, preying on human impulses for mastery and domination that the hollow comforts of consumer capitalism could not hope to appease.

Fukuyama was here looking to a future that still lies beyond our present (although we might be taking the first steps towards it). His was a grim warning that if overly recognition-thirsty individuals lived in a world ‘characterised by peaceful and prosperous liberal democracy, then they will struggle against that peace and prosperity, and against democracy’. More starkly: ‘Modern thought raises no barriers to a future nihilistic war against liberal democracy on the part of those brought up in its bosom.’

Triumphalism this most certainly was not. To be sure, Fukuyama’s vision of how History could be undone does not predict the detailed dynamics of the tumultuous year that was 2016, or of post-9/11 global politics more generally. (He says little about China in relation to US hegemony, for example, while displaying a characteristically early 1990s preoccupation with Japan.) Nonetheless, he perhaps has a better claim than anybody else to have seen the unrest of 2016 coming, and where the events set in motion during that dramatic year might yet end up taking us. While his recent public interventions have not explicitly returned to his themes of the early 1990s – emphasising instead the rise of class as refracted through national identities and educational opportunity – it is nonetheless Fukuyama, and not his many vocal critics, who now looks entitled to a last hollow laugh.

One final thing. In describing the shallow celebrity culture, the essential emptiness, of the habitat of the last man, Fukuyama had a particular example in mind. He went to the same individual for illustration when looking for an archetype of megalothymia – who else but ‘a developer like Donald Trump’. Fukuyama didn’t predict that it would be that very individual who would crash through the comforts of the end of History, turning the certainties of the post-Historical world upside down. But he got closer than most.