The Pentagon papers

 

News Desk
The Untold Story of the Pentagon Papers Co-Conspirators
Speaking publicly for the first time, a historian reveals the crucial role that he and a small band of others played in helping Daniel Ellsberg leak the documents to journalists.
By Eric Lichtblau9:34 A.M.

In 1971, Gar Alperovitz played a vital, clandestine role in making the Pentagon Papers public.Photograph by Sharon Alperovitz
In June of 1971, Gar Alperovitz, a thirty-five-year-old historian, sped through suburban Boston, looking for an out-of-the-way pay phone to use to call a reporter. Alperovitz had never considered himself much of a risk-taker. The father of two ran a small economic think tank focussed on community-building. He had participated in demonstrations against the Vietnam War and rung doorbells with Martin Luther King, Jr., in Boston, as part of an antiwar campaign. But what he was doing on this day, propelled by his desire to end the conflict, could lead to federal prison.
He pulled his old Saab up to a phone booth on the outskirts of Harvard Square, and rang a hotel room nearby. When the reporter picked up, Alperovitz identified himself with the alias he had adopted: “It’s Mr. Boston.” Alperovitz told the journalist to open the door. Waiting in the hallway was a cardboard box, left minutes before by a runner working with Alperovitz. Inside were several hundred pages of the most sought-after documents in the United States—the top-secret Vietnam history known as the Pentagon Papers.
The handoff was one of about a dozen clandestine encounters with journalists that Alperovitz orchestrated over the course of a three-week period, when he and a small group of fellow antiwar activists helped Daniel Ellsberg, a former military analyst at the rand Corporation, elude an F.B.I. manhunt and distribute the Pentagon Papers to nineteen newspapers. Ellsberg, who had smuggled the documents out of rand’s Santa Monica office two years earlier and copied them with the help of a colleague, has long been the public face of the leak. But Ellsberg was aided by about a half-dozen volunteers whose identities have stayed secret for forty-six years, despite the intense interest of the Nixon Administration, thousands of articles, books, documentaries, plays, and now a major film, “The Post,” starring Meryl Streep and Tom Hanks, about the Pentagon Papers. Ellsberg told me that the hidden role of this group was so critical to the operation that he gave them a code name—The Lavender Hill Mob, the name of a 1951 film about a ragtag group of amateur bank robbers. He has referred obliquely to his co-conspirators over the years. But he held back from identifying them because some in the group still feared repercussions.
Now, Alperovitz, who is eighty-one, has agreed to be revealed for the first time. “I’m getting old,” Alperovitz told me, with a laugh. Several other members of the group told me that they still wished to remain anonymous, or declined interview requests. One former Harvard graduate student who also played a major role—she hid the papers in her apartment and organized hideouts for Ellsberg—considered coming forward in this piece, but she ultimately decided not to, after conferring with lawyers. As a green-card holder, she worried that her involvement could lead to her deportation by the Trump Administration. Still, she remains proud of her role. “Those were extraordinary days,” she told me. “It was about questioning the government and being against the government. I was very, very angry about what was happening in Vietnam.”

Alperovitz said that the renewed interest in the Pentagon Papers, brought on by “The Post,” pushed him to finally acknowledge his role, but he also alluded to the “very dangerous” climate under President Trump. A historian and political economist, whose writings have focussed on the dangers of nuclear war and economic inequality, Alperovitz said that Trump’s “outrageous and destabilizing” rhetoric on North Korea compelled him to tell his story and “to suggest to people that it’s time to take action.”
“We were trying to stop the war,” Alperovitz told me, in an interview in his home near Washington. “I’m not heroic in this, but I just felt it important to act,” he said. “There were lots of people dying unnecessarily. There were lots of people who were taking risks to try to end the war, and I was one of them.”
Ellsberg told me that Alperovitz, in particular, was “critical to the way this thing worked out,” organizing the broader distribution of the papers. Ellsberg had initially turned over the documents only to Neil Sheehan, a reporter at the Times, which published the first front-page article on the Pentagon Papers, on June 13, 1971. (The Nixon Administration quickly secured an injunction to halt the Times from continuing to publish the documents.) But it was Alperovitz who devised the strategy of distributing the papers to as many news organizations as possible, including the Washington Post, an approach that later proved to be crucial from both a legal and public-relations standpoint. And it was Alperovitz who came up with the elaborate techniques for slipping the documents to reporters while evading the authorities. “Gar took care of all the cloak-and-dagger stuff,” Ellsberg said.

The danger to the Lavender Hill Mob could hardly be underestimated. Alperovitz “would’ve been indicted in a heartbeat” if he had been identified, Ellsberg said. Senior officials in the Nixon White House had become obsessed with arresting and discrediting Ellsberg and any of his accomplices. They created a group of Nixon campaign operatives, who became known as “the plumbers,” to break into the office of Ellsberg’s psychiatrist, in what would be a precursor to the Watergate scandal. In a 2010 documentary “The Most Dangerous Man in America: Daniel Ellsberg and the Pentagon Papers,” Egil Krogh, one of the operatives, says that the Administration was obsessed with identifying who else was involved in the leak. “Did Daniel Ellsberg work alone? Was he working with some other people? Was he part of a conspiracy?” Krogh, who was imprisoned for his role in the Watergate break-in, says in the film. F.B.I. agents—and Nixon’s plumbers—tracked leads from Los Angeles to Paris. The perpetrators, it turned out, met less than a mile from Harvard Square, the epicenter of the liberal, Ivy League élitism that Nixon so detested.

Shortly after surrendering to federal authorities, in June, 1971, for his role in leaking the Pentagon Papers, Daniel Ellsberg spoke to reporters.Photograph by Bettmann / Getty

In early June of 1971, Ellsberg, who had left rand and was working as a senior research fellow at M.I.T., hosted a small dinner party at his home in Cambridge. Ellsberg, who was then forty, had never met Alperovitz but invited him after a colleague said that they shared an intense opposition to the war. The Harvard graduate student was there as well.
Alperovitz had worked in the U.S. government on foreign affairs from 1961 to 1966—first in Congress, then at the State Department—and it was there, as an insider, that his opposition to the war hardened. As a Senate aide, in 1964, Alperovitz worked unsuccessfully to stop what he still calls the “phony” Gulf of Tonkin resolution, which allowed President Lyndon B. Johnson to escalate America’s military involvement in Vietnam. More than anything, the congressional vote confirmed his view that the war was a fraud perpetrated on the American public.
At the dinner, Alperovitz and Ellsberg, a former Marine and Pentagon analyst, talked about Nixon, liberal activism, nuclear weapons, and, of course, Vietnam. The top-secret papers never came up. But, as the party wrapped up and Alperovitz walked to his car, the Harvard graduate student pulled him aside and made a cryptic comment about some sensitive material on Vietnam and “boxes and boxes of papers,” Alperovitz recalled.
A day or two later, the graduate student arranged to meet Alperovitz at a park, she told me in an interview. She explained to Alperovitz that Ellsberg had entrusted her with thousands of pages of the documents, and that she had stashed them in cupboards in the pantry of her small apartment. Ellsberg had given copies of the papers to a Times reporter several months earlier, but had not heard from him since. She and Ellsberg didn’t know when the newspaper might run the story, or if it even intended to do so, and were eager to distribute more of the papers to other news outlets. “I needed help to do this work,” the woman told me, and Alperovitz seemed like “exactly the right person.”
When she asked Alperovitz if he would help, he immediately agreed. Decades later, Alperovitz said that his eagerness, despite the obvious risks, still puzzles him. “I’m a very cautious person, but I didn’t blink—which I don’t understand,” he told me. “I’m surprised I didn’t just say, ‘Whoops, I’m busy tomorrow.’ It was out of character.”
In a subsequent meeting with Ellsberg, Alperovitz mapped out a strategy. Ellsberg, who had tried to leak the secret papers to members of Congress but had been rebuffed, wanted to get all seven thousand pages of the papers out at once, if not in the Times then in the Washington Post or somewhere else. “My nightmare was that the F.B.I. would catch me and capture all the papers first,” Ellsberg recalled. He even considered using the Harvard Crimson’s presses to print the documents himself. Alperovitz talked him out of it. “I said to Dan, ‘Look, this is seven thousand pages of material, you’ll get one story, maybe two,’ ” Alperovitz said. “If you really want to get this out to the public, you’ve got to break it up and keep the story going.”

To Ellsberg’s surprise, the Times ran its first story on the papers several days later. The Nixon Administration quickly secured an injunction to halt publication. By then, Alperovitz was already working the pay phones around Cambridge and Somerville to contact a reporter from the Post and get more coverage. Days later, with Alperovitz acting as an intermediary, Ellsberg met with a Post reporter in a local motel room and gave him the entire secret report. After the reporter left, Ellsberg and his wife, who were hiding out in the motel, saw on television that F.B.I. agents had descended on their home to question him. For the next two weeks, the Ellsbergs remained holed up, with the Harvard graduate student taking the lead in finding new places to stash them. “I moved them every few days,” she recalled. “I’d call friends and say, ‘I need your apartment for two days, and I just want you to go somewhere else. Just don’t ask me any questions.’ ” Each time the couple moved, she crammed boxes of the secret history into her small Volkswagen and moved them along with the Ellsbergs.
The one time that Ellsberg knew whose apartment he was using, he said, was during weekend that he spent in Cambridge with a friend, Jeffrey Race, a fellow Vietnam veteran. Race recalled watching a television news report with his fiancée about the F.B.I. searching for Ellsberg. “They can’t find him,” Race told me, “and we joked that, ‘Hey, he’s lying right here in his underwear on the floor taking a nap in front of the TV.’ ”
It was at Race’s apartment that Ellsberg had his closest brush with arrest. At Ellsberg’s request, from a pay phone outside of Race’s apartment, Alperovitz called a friend of Ellsberg’s in Los Angeles to arrange a way for him to speak with his children and let them know that he was all right. As Ellsberg watched from the window, Alperovitz hung up and walked away. Minutes later, police cars converged around the phone booth. Ellsberg guessed that the F.B.I. must have been tapping his Los Angeles friend’s phone, or perhaps the pay phone, in their effort to find him. “We ducked behind the window,” Ellsberg recalled. “I’m thinking, Oh my God!” He and his wife left that same night for a different hiding place.
Alperovitz asked the administrator of the Cambridge Institute, the think tank he ran, to vacate her apartment for the Ellsbergs for several days. “It was a very matter-of-fact thing,” the administrator, Nancy Lyons, who is now retired and living in Concord, Massachusetts, said in an interview. She immediately agreed—she saw it as an opportunity to be involved in something larger than herself. “I might have just been naïve, but I didn’t have any hesitation.” The one concern she had, she told me, was that she had waited a long time to get the rent-controlled apartment, and she didn’t want to lose it if someone found out. (No one did.)
Alperovitz’s primary task was devising how to distribute the papers to as many news organizations as possible. Ellsberg usually told Alperovitz which newspapers to contact—the Boston Globe, the St. Louis Post Dispatch, the Los Angeles Times, the Christian Science Monitor, and the Detroit Free Press, among them—but he left it to Alperovitz to figure out the logistics.
Alperovitz told me that he improvised the elaborate handoffs. “I invented this stuff as I went along,” he said. “I don’t know how.” Getting journalists interested in the papers, then the most sought after documents in the United States, was easy. He would call a newspaper’s city desk from a pay phone, identify himself as Mr. Boston­—a code name that got a few references in “The Post”—and then offer to share some of the papers. “They were very happy to take them. Everyone wanted to be in on it,” he said.
The trickier part was handing off hundreds of pages of documents without being detected. Alperovitz and the Harvard graduate student recruited a handful of college students—all ardently opposed to the war—to help not only with mundane tasks, like getting the Ellsbergs’ groceries, but also to act as runners who delivered the papers.

During the frantic three weeks it took to distribute the documents, Alperovitz typically didn’t have time to even read all the papers before parcelling them out to reporters. He simply grabbed a few hundred pages, boxed them up, and sent the runners on their way. Alperovitz usually found out what was in each stack only when he read the news stories. The pace was so hectic that he and other participants have trouble remembering the exact sequence today. Alperovitz can’t remember, for instance, which reporter he called at the Cambridge hotel with instructions for finding the papers in the hallway. The former Harvard graduate student recalls a nighttime handoff of papers at an acquaintance’s home, but the details are hazy.
There were also furtive meetings at Boston’s Logan Airport, chosen by Alperovitz because it was a convenient place for out-of-town reporters to blend in. One student helping with the operation was dispatched to Logan to meet a Newsday reporter whom Alperovitz had summoned from Washington. Posing this time as Sam Adams, Alperovitz had the airport page the reporter over the public-address system; the student then handed the reporter a note with directions to find a green plastic shopping bag on a seat in the terminal. Inside

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Sugar. 2017

UKRAINE: Largest sugar producer buys ag insurance company: Astarta-Kyiv, Ukraine’s largest agricultural holding, has purchased the Ukrainian agrarian insurance company worth UAH10.5 million (US$394,181), the National Association of Sugar Producers of Ukraine reports, according to Interfax-Ukraine. The holding said in its financial statements over January-September 2017 posted on the Warsaw Stock Exchange: “The acquisition of 100% of the shares of the insurer has been completed this year”. The Ukrainian Agro-Insurance has been operating on the market since 1995. This is one of the four insurance companies in Ukraine that acted as the founders of the Agrarian Insurance Pool. The insurance company completed 2016 with a net profit amounting to UAH10.2 million, while in 2015 – its net loss reached UAH33.4 million. The company’s assets over the year increased by 24% to UAH58 million, equity capital grew by 25% to UAH 51 million. The company’s authorized capital totals UAH12 million. Astarta-Kyiv is one of Ukraine’s largest vertically integrated agricultural holding specializing in sugar and agricultural production. Its production share totals about 25%, the land bank is 245,000 hectares. The company also produces milk and processing soybeans. The company operates in Poltava, Vinnytsia, Khmelnytsky, Ternopil, Zhytomyr, Chernihiv, Cherkasy and Kharkiv regions.

BRAZIL: RenovaBio should prompt new wave of M&A in sugarcane sector: Brazil’s sugarcane industry is expected to go through an intense wave of mergers and acquisitions (M&A) once RenovaBio, a governmental program to encourage use of biofuels in the country, is launched, says Alexandre Figliolino, partner at MB Agro consultancy firm, according to Brazil’s Infomoney news website. “If RenovaBio comes through, I have no doubt that we will have a consolidation movement in the sugar and ethanol sector as we have never seen before,” said Figliolino, during this week’s XP Datagro’s Agrifinance Brazil conference. RenovaBio aims to expand biofuel production in Brazil by adopting predictable rules for development of the sector, in line with economic, social and environmental sustainability. The program also aims to contribute to Brazil’s goals to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. According to Figliolino, the sugarcane industry is experiencing five years of stagnation, and has a “huge disparity” in terms of operational efficiency of mills, opening up a scenario in which the most efficient tend to acquire others. Currently, there is a process of “silent consolidation” in the sector, according to Figliolino, in which small acquisitions are occurring with mills taking over cane fields of neighboring producers. Guilherme Nastari, director at Datagro consultancy firm, says RenovaBio’s approval may be the trigger for the next big wave of production in the industry. Felipe Vicchiato, financial director of São Martinho mill, said RenovaBio’s launch may also encourage more companies in the industry to seek initial public offerings (IPO).

BRAZIL: INTL FCStone sees centre-south cane crush at 587.5 million tonnes: Consultancy firm INTL FCStone estimates that mills in Brazil’s centre-south will crush 587.5 million tonnes of sugarcane in the 2018/19 harvest, up 0.6% from the the 2016/17 season forecast (583.8 million tonnes), according to Brazil’s Estadão Conteúdo. An improvement in weather conditions and a higher rate of sugarcane field renewal in 2015 and 2016 should contribute to the slight increase in cane crush next season. The 2018/19 harvest officially begins in April 2018. “As for the harvested area, as opposed to the 1.5% decline projected for 2017/18, we expect it to advance 0.3% in the next harvest. This slight increase comes as a result of less reserved areas for sugarcane reforestation,” said analyst João Paulo Botelho. About 8.03 million hectares of sugarcane are expected to be harvested in the region in 2018/19. “It should be noted that greater humidity resulting from a less dry climate tends to reduce the average ATR (Total Recoverable Sugar) of the crops,” he said. INTL FCStone expects ATR at 135.4 kg/tonne, down 0.5% from the projection for the current season. The consultancy firm also estimates that 56% of the sugarcane will be destined to ethanol production in 2018/19, up from 53.4% this year. This should contribute to an increase of 5.1% in ethanol production, to 26.3 billion litres. Hydrous ethanol output should total 15.4 billion litres in 2018/19, up 8.9% from the current year, while anhydrous ethanol production would remain stable. The group’s estimate for sugar production is at 33.3 million tonnes, down 5.5% from 2017/18.

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Constitutionally deficient attorney

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Ineffective Assistance of Counsel

In Strickland v. Washington, 466 U.S. 668 (1984), the United States Supreme Court held that in order for a convicted defendant to establish that he or she was deprived of the Sixth Amendment right to effective assistance of counsel at trial, the defendant would have to show: (1) deficient performance by trial counsel; and (2) prejudice. In determining whether trial counsel’s performance was constitutionally deficient, the reviewing court looks to the reasonableness of counsel’s conduct under “prevailing professional norms.” Id. at 688. It is the convicted defendant’s duty to identify the acts or omission by counsel that are alleged not to have been the result of reasonable professional judgment. The reviewing court must then judge “the reasonableness of counsel’s challenged conduct on the facts of the particular case, viewed as of the time of counsel’s conduct.” Id. at 690. To establish prejudice, a convicted defendant “need not show that counsel’s deficient conduct more likely than not altered the outcome in the case.” Id. at 693. Rather, the defendant must establish “that there is a reasonable probability that, but for counsel’s unprofessional errors, the result of the proceeding would have been different. A reasonable probability is a probability sufficient to undermine confidence in the outcome.” Id. at 694.

The Supreme Court has also recognized a constitutional right to effective assistance of counsel on direct appeal, although the right is under the Due Process Clause rather than the Sixth Amendment. Evitts v. Lucey, 469 U.S. 387 (1985).

PDF iconIAC Strickland to Wiggins – Summaries of all published successful ineffective assistance of counsel cases post-Strickland v. Washington and prior to Wiggins v. Smith, compiled by Teresa Norris (August 10, 2015).

PDF iconIAC Wiggins to Present – Summaries of all published successful ineffective assistance of counsel cases from Wiggins v. Smith to present, compiled by Teresa Norris (August 10, 2015).

PDF iconIAC and Conflict Cases Update – Summaries of all published successful ineffective assistance of counsel and conflict of interest cases from August 11, 2015 through January 20, 2016, complied by Teresa Norris.

PDF iconIAC and Conflict Cases Update – Summaries of all published successful ineffective assistance of counsel and conflict of interest cases from January 1, 2016 through April 10, 2016, complied by Teresa Norris.

PDF iconIAC Cases Update – Summaries of all published successful ineffective assistance of counsel cases from April 1, 2016 through June 30, 2016, compiled by Teresa Norris.

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ANAconda

Home/ Anaconda Cloud / Working with packages
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Overview
All files uploaded to Anaconda Cloud are stored in packages. Each Cloud package is visible at its own unique URL based on the name of the user who owns the package and the name of the package.

Users can create a Cloud package and then upload files into it.

NOTE: All packages are public if uploaded by users of free accounts. Packages may be designated as private by upgrading to a paid account.

For more information, see package.

Namespaces
A namespace is the part of Cloud where a user or organization may host packages. For example, the user namespace https://anaconda.org/travis contains packages that were uploaded and shared by a user named travis.

For more information, see namespace.
Labels
A label is part of the URLs on Cloud where conda looks for packages.

Each file within a package may be tagged with one or more labels, or not tagged at all to accept the default label of main.

For more information, see label.
Using package managers
Cloud supports two package managers, conda and PyPI. To work with conda or PyPI packages, you must use their corresponding subdomains:

To install conda packages from the user travis, use the repository URL https://conda.anaconda.org/travis
To install PyPI packages from the user travis, use the repository URL https://pypi.anaconda.org/travis
Conda packages
Uploading conda packages
This example shows how to build and upload a conda package to Cloud using conda build.

Use the Terminal window or an Anaconda Prompt to perform the following steps:

Before you start, install anaconda-client and conda-build:

conda install anaconda-client conda-build
Choose the repository for which you would like to build the package. In this example, we use a simple public conda test package:

git clone https://github.com/Anaconda-Platform/anaconda-client
cd anaconda-client/example-packages/conda/
In this directory, there are two required files, meta.yaml and build.sh.

macOS and Linux systems are Unix systems. Packages built for Unix systems require a build.sh file, packages built for Windows require a bld.bat file, and packages built for both Windows and Unix systems require both a build.sh file and a bld.bat file. All packages require a meta.yaml file.
To build the package, turn off automatic Client uploading and then run the conda build command:

conda config –set anaconda_upload no
conda build .
All packages built in this way are placed in a subdirectory of Anaconda’s conda-bld directory.
You can check where the resulting file was placed with the –output option:

conda build . –output
You can upload the test package to Cloud with the anaconda upload command:

anaconda login
anaconda upload /path/to/conda-package.tar.bz2
NOTE: Replace /path/to/ with the actual path where you stored the package.
For more information on conda’s overall build framework, you may also want to read the articles Building conda packages and Tutorials on conda build.
Installing conda packages
You can install conda packages from Cloud by adding channels to your conda configuration.

Use the Terminal window or an Anaconda Prompt to perform the following steps:

Because conda knows how to interact with Cloud, specifying the channel sean translates to https://anaconda.org/sean:

conda config –add channels sean
You can now install public conda packages from Sean’s Cloud account. Try installing the testci package at https://anaconda.org/sean/testci:

conda install testci
You can install a package from a channel with a token and a label:

conda install -c https://conda.anaconda.org/t///label/
NOTE: Replace with the provided token,““ with a user channel, with the label name and with the package name you want to install.
PyPI packages
Uploading PyPI packages
We can test PyPI package uploading with a small public example package saved in the anaconda-client repository.

Use the Terminal window or an Anaconda Prompt to perform the following steps:

Begin by cloning the repository from the command line:

git clone git@github.com:Anaconda-Platform/anaconda-client.git
cd anaconda-client/example-packages/pypi/
You can now create your PyPI package with the setup.py script:

python setup.py sdist
The package has now been built as a source tarball and is ready to be uploaded:

anaconda upload dist/*.tar.gz
Your package is now available at http://anaconda.org/USERNAME/PACKAGE.

NOTE: Replace USERNAME with your username, and PACKAGE with the package name.
Installing PyPI packages
The best way to install a PyPI package is using pip. For the following command, we use the package we authored in the examples above. In your Terminal window or an Anaconda Prompt, run:

pip install –extra-index-url https://pypi.anaconda.org/USERNAME/simple pypi-test-package
Installing private PyPI packages
The best way to manage access or make PyPI and other packages private is to create organizations or groups, which allow you to set separate permissions per package, notebook or environment.

You can also control access with the token system. All Cloud URLs can be prefixed with /t/$TOKEN to access private packages.

In your Terminal window or an Anaconda Prompt, run:

TOKEN=$(anaconda auth –create –name YOUR-TOKEN-NAME)
pip install –index-url https://pypi.anaconda.org/t/$TOKEN/USERNAME/simple test-package
NOTE: Replace YOUR-TOKEN-NAME with the name of the token you created, USERNAME with your username and simple test-package with the actual test-package name.
Uploading packages
To upload package files to Cloud, use the Terminal window or an Anaconda Prompt and the upload command:

anaconda login
anaconda upload PACKAGENAME
NOTE: Replace PACKAGENAME with the actual package name.

Cloud automatically detects packages and notebooks, package or notebook types, and their versions.
Your package is now available at:

https://anaconda.org//
NOTE: Replace with your username, and with the package name.
Your package also can be downloaded by anyone using Client from the Terminal window or an Anaconda Prompt:

anaconda download USERNAME/PACKAGENAME
NOTE: Replace with your username, and with the package name.
Using private packages
By default, all packages, notebooks and environments uploaded to Cloud are accessible to anyone who has access to the repository.

Packages uploaded to your user channel on Cloud can be marked as private using the Web UI:

Select the desired package.
Select the Settings tab.
Select Admin in the sidebar.
Alternatively, you can reach this page with the following URL:

https://anaconda.org///settings/admin
NOTE: Replace with your username, and with the package name.
NOTE: Jupyter notebooks and conda environments can also be marked private using this procedure and URL.

NOTE: Other Cloud users may access your private packages either with tokens or by logging in.

Private packages with tokens
To make your private packages available to be accessed with tokens:

First create an access token that includes the following scope for Client:

conda:download
Or, in the Web UI with:

Allow private downloads from conda repositories
The token is a random alphanumeric string and this is used to install a package or add a channel from which you want to install private packages.
Using the provided token, a user channel can be added to config from the Terminal window or an Anaconda Prompt with:

conda config –add channels https://conda.anaconda.org/t//
NOTE: Replace with the provided token, and with a user channel.
The token can also be used to install packages without first adding the channel. In the Terminal window or an Anaconda Prompt, run:

conda install -c https://conda.anaconda.org/t//

To install a package from a channel using token and label name::

conda install -c https://conda.anaconda.org/t///label/
NOTE: Replace with the provided token, with a user channel, with the label name and with a package name you want to install.
Private PyPI packages can also be installed in the Web UI:

https://pypi.anaconda.org/t//
NOTE: Replace with the provided token, and with a user channel.
Private packages with login
To make your private packages available to users who have logged in:

Create an organization.
Create a group in that organization, which may be a read-only group.
Add to the group the users that you want to grant access to.
Upload the package to the organization, or transfer an existing package to the organization.
After you grant them access, other users can download and install your package using the Web UI or Client.

To download a package:

In a browser, navigate to the desired channel.
If the organization name is OrgName and the package name is conda-package, use these commands in the Terminal window or an Anaconda Prompt:

conda install anaconda-client
anaconda login
conda install -c OrgName conda-package
Or instead:

conda install anaconda-client
anaconda login
conda install -c https://conda.anaconda.org/OrgName conda-package
Removing a previous version of a package
To remove a previous version of one of your packages from Cloud:

Select the package name.
Select the Files tab.
Select the checkbox to the left of the version you want to remove.
In the Actions menu, select Remove.
You may instead use the Terminal window or an Anaconda Prompt:

Run:

anaconda remove jsmith/testpack/0.2
NOTE: Replace jsmith with your username, testpack with the package name and 0.2 with the desired version.
You can now see the change on your profile page:

https://anaconda.org//
NOTE: Replace with your username, and with the package name.
Adding a collaborator to a package
You can add other users that are not part of an organization to collaborate on your packages. You will need the usernames of the other users.

From your dashboard, select the package by clicking on its name.
To display the package settings, select the Settings option.
To display the current collaborators, select the Collaborators option.
Type the username of the person you want to add as a collaborator, and then click the Add button.
NOTE: All collaborators are given full read/write permissions to the package, even private packages.
Removing a collaborator from a package
To revoke package access previously granted to a collaborator:

From your dashboard select the package by clicking on its name.
To display the package settings, select the Settings option.
To display the current collaborators, select the Collaborators option.
Click the red X button next to a collaborator to revoke their access.
Transferring a package to a new owner
By default, when you create or add packages, they are attached to your individual profile. You can transfer ownership to another owner account you control, such as an organization profile you manage.

To transfer a package to a new owner:

From your dashboard–or the dashboard of an organization you administer–select the package for which you want to transfer ownership.

The system displays options for that package.
To display the package settings, select the Settings option.
Select the Admin option.
Under Transfer this package to a new owner, click the Transfer button.
Select the organization name for the new owner.
Click the Transfer Ownership button.
Copying a package
To copy a package from the channel conda-forge to a personal channel such as jsmith:

anaconda copy conda-forge/glueviz/0.10.4 –to-owner jsmith
conda-forge/glueviz/0.10.4 is a “spec” and can match either of two formats: user/package/version or user/package/version/filename.

Previously labels were called “channels”, and the anaconda copy command has deprecated options from-channel and to-channel that expect to operate on labels. These deprecated options should not be used. If you attempt to run anaconda copy –from-channel conda-forge –to-channel jsmith glueviz, you will receive an error that Label conda-forge does not exist.
Deleting a package
To delete a package from Cloud, including all of its versions:

Select the package name.
Select the Settings option.
In the left sidebar, select Admin.
Click Delete.
You may instead use the Terminal window or an Anaconda Prompt:

Run:

anaconda remove jsmith/testpak
NOTE: Replace jsmith with your user name, and testpak with the package name.
You can now see the change on your profile page:

https://anaconda.org/
NOTE: Replace with your username.
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Timeshare scams

2. Re: Beware – Marriott Vacation Club Points – A Bad Deal
Sep 29, 2016, 11:52 PM
We own a two bedroom weeks villa at the Marriott Ko Olina in Oahu. We purchased our timeshare on the secondary market a few years ago. We love it! Marriott has tried several times to get us to convert our weeks to points. We have said; “no” each time. On the surface it sounds good. However, there is important information they leave out. The most notable is: 1. You points maintenance fees are much higher. 2. If you chose to resale down the road as mentioned, there is no buy back program. AND, to make it worse, Marriott will charge a $2 transfer fee for each point. So, in my example, Our timeshare weeks if converted to points would be worth about 4,700 points. So, if I found my own buyer, Marriott Vacation Club would charge my buyer $9,400 to transfer title into their name PLUS a $300 education fee PLUS a $95 first right of refusal fee, PLUS another $150 document fee. This has never been explained to us when they were trying to convert our weeks to points. NO THANKS. We will continue to enjoy our weeks and will never convert. BUYER BEWARE of MVCI points system. It’s a good deal for MVC but a bad deal for the buyer. Shame on MVCI for being so greedy and withholding this information from unsuspecting buyer’s.

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MarriottVacationClub
Orlando, FL
10 posts
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3. Re: Beware – Marriott Vacation Club Points – A Bad Deal
Sep 30, 2016, 9:46 AM
Xenon7, we are happy to hear that your weeks that you purchased at the Ko Olina Beach Club have been working well for you. The Vacation Club Destinations program is available to those who find the flexibility of the program suitable to their own vacation style, and may not be appealing to everyone. Information to enroll ownership weeks from the secondary market into the Destinations program is available to those who are interested in learning more about the program. Please contact Customer Care or Owner Services if you have any questions or concerns.

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4. Re: Beware – Marriott Vacation Club Points – A Bad Deal
May 22, 2017, 1:14 AM
-:- Message from TripAdvisor staff -:-

This post was determined to be inappropriate by the TripAdvisor community and has been removed.

To review the TripAdvisor Forums Posting Guidelines, please follow this link: http://www.tripadvisor.com/pages/forums_posting_guidelines.html

Our staff may also remove posts that do not follow our posting guidelines, and we reserve the right to remove any post for any reason. Thanks for being a part of the TripAdvisor travel community!

Removed on: 8:05 am, May 22, 2017

Randy S
1 post
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5. Re: Beware – Marriott Vacation Club Points – A Bad Deal
Jun 7, 2017, 3:22 PM
Agree. The Timeshare is a separate company now and Marriott Vacation Club is only a good place to rent where you want to go but not to buy. See Class action lawsuit – nfllp.com/Cases/Consumer_Antitrust_and_Other…

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jsthouston
Houston, texas, USA
Level Contributor
3,326 posts
585 reviews
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6. Re: Beware – Marriott Vacation Club Points – A Bad Deal

Rex Tillerson…

By Reed Galen

Rex Tillerson was a global participant. He lorded over a forms of 1000’s and outposts throughout the globe. He usually held high-level negotiations with world leaders and hopped the globe on fancy personal jets.

Then he grew to become Secretary of State.

That Mr. Tillerson was fired by President Donald J. Trump isn’t any shock. That there’s disagreement, intrigue and a common stage of immaturity in how the dismissal was carried off isn’t any shock both. The truth that Tillerson lasted practically 14 months within the job is sort of a feat of inhuman energy.

President Trump has a fetish for rich CEOs, seeing them and army flag officers (generals and admirals) as the one individuals corresponding to himself. Tillerson in that regard ought to have been the archetype for a senior Trump cupboard member.

There was one drawback with this principle: Rex Tillerson is a extremely smart, completed particular person who doubtless didn’t undergo fools as CEO of Exxon and wasn’t capable of undergo Donald Trump and his White Home of Misfit Toys. The Secretary of State is first amongst equals within the American Cupboard. I’ve little doubt Tillerson believed that and anticipated a stage of respect and deference due to it.

Final yr, tales abounded about Tillerson’s clashes with, amongst others, Jared Kushner and Johnny DeStefano over his personnel picks to aim to flesh out Foggy Backside’s political ranks. With longtime Overseas Service Officers fleeing for the exits, Tillerson and his quick workers in all probability felt each understaffed and unprotected as they tried to wrestle one among America’s most storied bureaucracies.

Because the chief spokesperson, fixer and negotiator for the US Authorities, a go to by the American international minister is usually main information and units a tone for relations between nations. For many of our historical past, the president and his nationwide safety crew set worldwide priorities and senior members of the crew took on duties particular to their roles.

President Trump’s international coverage is schizophrenic (on a superb day) and a U-turn from the final 70 years of American ethical, financial and army management all over the world. Tillerson will need to have felt, on any given day, he was lashed to the mast of the ship of state as Trump cackled maniacally on the lookout for icebergs to hit at flank velocity.

Apart from all this, although, Tillerson has actually been a useless man strolling since final summer season. Because the report goes, Tillerson and different members of the Trump nationwide safety tank had been assembly in The Tank on the Pentagon. Someday through the course of that assembly, Tillerson known as Trump a “f%#$ing moron.” Loyalty or not, you’ll be able to’t speak about your boss, not to mention the chief of the free world, like that.

After these remarks, Rex needed to be ready for Michael to kiss him in Havana at midnight. He was disloyal, disrespectful and pissed off sufficient to let his feelings get the higher of him. Then, when requested repeatedly whether or not he’d insulted the president, Tillerson wouldn’t deny it, counting on a spokeswoman to take up that process someday later.

Already this morning there are a variety of headlines that criticize Donald Trump for anticipating loyalty earlier than all else. About this, there may be little doubt. Actually, Tillerson by no means confirmed the type of kowtowing subservience Trump seems to count on from everybody who works from him (generals excepted, in fact.) However there additionally seemed to be vital coverage variations in how America’s international coverage must be performed: Trump is the president and Tillerson isn’t.

One in all Trump’s biggest tips, which he has perpetrated on the millionaires and billionaires that inventory his Cupboard, is that his success will one way or the other translate to their success. Trump has little interest in permitting anybody, expertise or capability however, to outshine him or permit it to look he isn’t 100% in management. Rex Tillerson violated practically all of Trump’s guidelines on this regard. He was rewarded for service by being fired by a tweet. At the very least Comey acquired a letter and came upon from CNN.

Reed Galen is a nationwide political marketing consultant.

Abhi achche din aye nahin hain Modiji

Lord of the Rant

Don’t get me wrong. I am not a Modi hater. It is the reverse actually. I am such a big supporter of his that I am hugely disappointed when I see a governance failure in his term. If it were Congress who were at the center I’d say that it is fitting that we got such a bad service. But with Modi at helm I want everything to be in order.

This post is my vent on the rotten experience we LPG(Liquified Petroleum Gas) consumers, in Bangalore, had to face due to center’s decision of deciding to transfer our LPG subsidy to our bank accounts directly. This meant that our Aadhaar number had to be linked to the LPG account and to the bank. Here, I have to mention this to Mr.Nilekani: however much noble your intention was behind the Aadhar card it was not done properly. We spent a…

View original post 1,151 more words

Rex Tillerson…

By Reed Galen

Rex Tillerson was a global participant. He lorded over a forms of 1000’s and outposts throughout the globe. He usually held high-level negotiations with world leaders and hopped the globe on fancy personal jets.

Then he grew to become Secretary of State.

That Mr. Tillerson was fired by President Donald J. Trump isn’t any shock. That there’s disagreement, intrigue and a common stage of immaturity in how the dismissal was carried off isn’t any shock both. The truth that Tillerson lasted practically 14 months within the job is sort of a feat of inhuman energy.

President Trump has a fetish for rich CEOs, seeing them and army flag officers (generals and admirals) as the one individuals corresponding to himself. Tillerson in that regard ought to have been the archetype for a senior Trump cupboard member.

There was one drawback with this principle: Rex Tillerson is a extremely smart, completed particular person who doubtless didn’t undergo fools as CEO of Exxon and wasn’t capable of undergo Donald Trump and his White Home of Misfit Toys. The Secretary of State is first amongst equals within the American Cupboard. I’ve little doubt Tillerson believed that and anticipated a stage of respect and deference due to it.

Final yr, tales abounded about Tillerson’s clashes with, amongst others, Jared Kushner and Johnny DeStefano over his personnel picks to aim to flesh out Foggy Backside’s political ranks. With longtime Overseas Service Officers fleeing for the exits, Tillerson and his quick workers in all probability felt each understaffed and unprotected as they tried to wrestle one among America’s most storied bureaucracies.

Because the chief spokesperson, fixer and negotiator for the US Authorities, a go to by the American international minister is usually main information and units a tone for relations between nations. For many of our historical past, the president and his nationwide safety crew set worldwide priorities and senior members of the crew took on duties particular to their roles.

President Trump’s international coverage is schizophrenic (on a superb day) and a U-turn from the final 70 years of American ethical, financial and army management all over the world. Tillerson will need to have felt, on any given day, he was lashed to the mast of the ship of state as Trump cackled maniacally on the lookout for icebergs to hit at flank velocity.

Apart from all this, although, Tillerson has actually been a useless man strolling since final summer season. Because the report goes, Tillerson and different members of the Trump nationwide safety tank had been assembly in The Tank on the Pentagon. Someday through the course of that assembly, Tillerson known as Trump a “f%#$ing moron.” Loyalty or not, you’ll be able to’t speak about your boss, not to mention the chief of the free world, like that.

After these remarks, Rex needed to be ready for Michael to kiss him in Havana at midnight. He was disloyal, disrespectful and pissed off sufficient to let his feelings get the higher of him. Then, when requested repeatedly whether or not he’d insulted the president, Tillerson wouldn’t deny it, counting on a spokeswoman to take up that process someday later.

Already this morning there are a variety of headlines that criticize Donald Trump for anticipating loyalty earlier than all else. About this, there may be little doubt. Actually, Tillerson by no means confirmed the type of kowtowing subservience Trump seems to count on from everybody who works from him (generals excepted, in fact.) However there additionally seemed to be vital coverage variations in how America’s international coverage must be performed: Trump is the president and Tillerson isn’t.

One in all Trump’s biggest tips, which he has perpetrated on the millionaires and billionaires that inventory his Cupboard, is that his success will one way or the other translate to their success. Trump has little interest in permitting anybody, expertise or capability however, to outshine him or permit it to look he isn’t 100% in management. Rex Tillerson violated practically all of Trump’s guidelines on this regard. He was rewarded for service by being fired by a tweet. At the very least Comey acquired a letter and came upon from CNN.

Reed Galen is a nationwide political marketing consultant.